Feature/OPED
Chibok Girls, Nine Years Don Waka
By Prince Charles Dickson PhD
For night of April 14-15, 2014, craze people group wey dem dey call Boko Haram bin kidnap 276 mostly Christian girls wey be say dem be from 16 to 18 years old from Government Girls Secondary School for Chibok wey dey for Borno State, Naija.
Till now, Chibok don see like one dozen and more attacks, wey mean say every year, after dat thing happen, every village like Kwarangullum, Piyemi, Kauitkari, Pemi don dey cry with wahala and people no even send dem.
Nine years don waka and up to 100 of dem girls still dey missing and we never sabi where dem dey till now. And since dat time wey pass, over 1500 pikin dem don carry disappear, and according to the group wey dem dey call Amnesty talk say over 1 million pikin dey still fear to go school.
Di Chibok girls dem don become symbol of Naija and her wayward ways. Chibok, one community wey dem dey discuss based on ethnicity, faith, party, politics and hate talk, dat small community represent everything wey dey worry dis kontri.
Chibok no get light, no good road, health care no dey, and e get only one small bank wey be like adashe. Na only one secondary school Chibok get. Chibok na Nigeria, and Nigeria na Chibok.
I don do work wey heavy well well on top Boko Haram and Chibok girls, the killings, kidnappings, and Nigeria’s conflict wey dey for North-west region. I don visit Chibok four times, I don talk with some of the girls wey dem release, one wey escape, I don also talk with many of the parents, some of dem don die.
Make I quickly share some fact wey I go like call quick reminder ontop dis matter wey I wan talk now. I no expect make everybody agree with me, but truth be say, wetin be the essence of opinion wey go make everybody happy?
Some of those quick facts include but not limited to the following–true-true, dem bin move those girls from Government Secondary School for Chibok, and e be like say nobody know the exact number of girls wey Boko Haram carry comot, even Boko Haram self no sabi how many dem kidnap. After years of pressure, we get one kain list of missing persons but e get plenty confusion for inside till tomorrow.
Before Chibok, Boko Haram bin dey carry girls and women waka for all that area, for different reasons, government and media no too talk about am, and plenty parents self no too talk about am, as pa say nobody send anybody!
This writer don talk with plenty girls and women wey be victims, dem escape anyhow wey dem fit.
Some people believe say na Buhari and the ‘North’ cause Boko Haram wahala, and say if Buhari dey power, the girls for don show face. Even as Buhari sef come and don dey go, we still no too sabi how Leah take remain for Dapchi wahala.
As former oga patapata for we kontri, Abacha bin talk, “if killings go on for so, so and so time, the government knows about it, or are behind it,” and we don see that for ground. The kwesion be say the new gofment of Mr. Tinubu wey no promise anything go fit do anything?
Remember that week wey Boko Haram mata too much, wey United States, UK, France, China, even Togo wan help but nothing happen? E just be like film.
I still remember the negotiation between Modu Sherif, Idris Derby and Jonathan, wey be like dance, and the result show say we no really serious as people for matter wey suppose serious us. And many of our national stories na Chibok matter.
The truth onto di mata be say plenti plenty gels wey dis terrrible group don kidnap don pay the ultimate price, some don run comot with serious damage for head, some don join dem boko haram, and we neva too do much for di mata.
Anoda fact be say, one of di many reasons why Boko Haram fit still dey ground be say plenti plenti pipo neva still sabi wetin di group really stand for, dem get ideology or e dey about poverty, or na CIA palaba or wetin, e get any link with ISWAP or na di same as di bandits and terrorists wey dey kidnap pipo wey dey for different parts of di North. Dem funding and communication, e dey important too.
I no too dey always believe Okikiola Obasanjo the letter writer, but I gree wit am wen e talk say “plenti, infact, half of dese gels no go ever com back…” Na true talk! E get plenti wey don go and dem no go eva come back. Even Salkida sef talk am, I concur wit am too. But di good Lord go bless all of us wey still dey dedicated to dis tori – true men and women!
The pain na di parents of di Chibok girls, wey still dey cry and mourn, as dem neva sabi di exact situation of dia pikin dem. Dis mata fit neva end, e fit no get end, no mata as we wan see di end.
Na nine years wey we don lose men and officers, and dem don kill and kidnap plenty villagers and villages, and we dey hear plenty propaganda, half-truths, misinformation and lies, and fight dey between opposition PDP and governing APC. Even di Airforce accuse di Army say dem wan steal dia show. Di army don get wahala of soldiers wey do wetin oyinbo dey call mutiny, local media dey fight foreign media, and Christians dey fight Muslims. But di fact na say we neva see di remaining Chibok girls.
Boko Haram group and dia splinters still dey make demands, dey release videos and dey create confusion, but di fact na say some girls don disappear. Dem kidnap dem sake of say our institutions no dey work as e suppose dey work, di girls no go fit come back, sake of say we no dey sincere, and we dey easily divide ourselves because of our selfish reasons.
The Guardian newspaper report helps me conclude, “…Yana Galang, on January 1, this year, she signed a New Year open letter on behalf of parents of the abducted Chibok girls and members of the Chibok community, urging President Buhari to rescue the remaining girls in captivity.
The memo reminded the president of his promise to ensure the release of the captives. “We won’t give up. Even in a hundred years, we will keep believing that our daughters will return home. Are they dead? Are they alive? As a mother, I refuse to accept that my daughter is dead or alive, until I have heard reliable news. Until we all die, we won’t stop believing that our daughters will come back,” she wrote.
Another parent, Ishaya has only one picture of his daughter, Hauwa, but looking at it brings anguish. “It is still hard for me to look at her picture,” he said.
“These thoughts in my head, they make me suffer. No day goes by without thinking of her. Even if our girls have died, we want somebody to inform us. Because then we can finally give up hope.”
Dis administration don spend eight years, and dem never fit fulfil dem promise of safety and security, as dem dey always blame others and dey assure themselves, even as nobody dey safe. Na so we be as people, and the Chibok matter go always remind us of who we truly be. Until we ready, like Leah and other failed projects, we go continue to dey hunted and tormented for failing these girls and until we hear the true story. And do what is right—only time go tell.
Feature/OPED
NNPC Versus Dangote Refinery
By Kingsley Omose
The drama playing out in the oil and gas sector between the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited and Dangote Refinery LPZ in a way mirrors the clash going on in the political arena between the advocates of the status quo and those who want to chart a new way forward, and this has implications for the future of Nigeria.
For decades, Nigeria used earnings from its vast oil and gas resources to fund a consumptive lifestyle for its people. While the politicians in power, and the military before them were left to spend government revenues as they liked, they responded by having policies which were literarily bribes to Nigerians.
These bribes constituted of the provision of subsidised petroleum products and electricity, and with a near abscence of tax collection from Nigerians who in turn expected free health care, free education, security, and good infrasture as the bare minimum from their leaders whether military or political.
And because the oil and gas production was there to provide US Dollars that had no bearing on the productivity or unproductivity of the Nigerian people, importation became the norm to satisfy the love of Nigerians for the good things of life that money can buy.
Like the proverbial ostrich that buries its head in the sand and is oblivious to the realities, no one bothered to plan for the future and so as the Nigerian population grew exponentially, revenues from oil and gas production became increasingly unable to fund Nigeria’s consumptive economy.
Resort to local and external borrowings by government including the printing of tens of trillions of Naira in an effort to continue to keep afloat Nigeria’s consumptive economy have only succeed in worsening the quality of life of Nigerians and made living conditions in the country hellish.
Violent groups mostly made up of young people whether as cultists, militants, terrorists, armed robbers, kidnappers, agitators, 419ers, or thugs, have sprung up and are charting their part, and along with the abuses in the corridors of power and the failings in the security services, all these make for a very combustible environment.
There are those who believe ramping up oil production to at least 4 million barrels of oil per day and increased monetisation of vast gas resources even if this is done at the expense of Niger Deltans, will increase US Dollar earnings to refloat Nigeria’s consumptive economy and it will be business as usual.
This is unrealistic because there is no other country in the world like Nigeria with a monoproduct economy that has over 210 million people where 70% are below the age of 30, 42% are under the age of 15, and that has the largest population of young people in the world with a median age of 18 years.
As the Word of God says, Where there is no revelation, the people cast off restraint (Proverbs 29:18). This is the crux of the matter, that there are not enough productive activities going on in Nigeria to adequately engage the productive energies of at least 70% of Nigerians. In other words, for those we regard as the energy of the future, Nigerians below 15 years of age who constitute 42% of the population, their future is characterised by even greater HUSTLE.
This is the context in which to view the conflict between the poster child of Nigeria’s consumptive economy, NNPC Ltd with close to 6000 employees that on the average earn N100 million each going by its yearly N600 billion wage bill, and Dangote Refinery with over 15,000 employees that can produce petroleum products both for local and international consumption.
What Nigerians need to understand is that while Dangote Refinery may have had a long gestation period, an ecosystem was created in Lagos State that enabled this poster child for Nigeria’s emerging production economy to see the light of day, and principal to that was the political stability in Lagos State.
It is with this understanding that Nigerians should welcome and endure the twin pains of petroleum products pricing deregulation and the floating of the local currency, the Naira which have caused inflation to hit hard the pockets of Nigerians. Nigerians must endure this transition to secure the future of their children.
It is with this understanding that Nigerians should endure the regular collapse of the national power grid and power outages despite increased electricity rates because the country is transitioning from a consumptive to a productive economy in order to productively engage those who have the energy of the future.
The need for the passage of the following pending bills in the National Assembly: the Ministry of Finance Incorporated (Establishment) Bill, 2023, the Investments and Securities (Repeal and Enactment) Bill 2024, the Joint Revenue Board of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Bill; the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, and the Nigeria Tax Bill, should also be viewed with this understanding.
Additional reforms will be required in the mining sector to attract the big players while local steel manufacturing will be needed to meet the developing demands of a productive economy for rail tracks, trains, bridges, skyscrapers, automobiles, aircrafts, ships, and much more.
In time, the reforms will shift to governance and electoral reforms, educational and healthcare reforms and such as will be required to reposition this tithe of the blackrace in a changing world where the instability released into the global order from January 20, 2025 will fundamentally change the world order as we know it today.
Feature/OPED
A Policy Blueprint for New Era of African Innovation
By Doron Avni
The dawn of the AI age presents a unique opportunity for Africa. With the right policies, the continent can experience accelerated socio-economic progress. According to a recent study by Public First, AI could increase the Sub-Saharan African economy by over $30 billion annually and is already revolutionizing various African sectors.
For instance, AI-powered ultrasound checks are accessible in remote areas, AI combined with satellite imagery helps assess village electrification, and AI and cloud connect youth with jobs via mobile search.
As the AU Commissioner for Infrastructure and Energy, Dr Amani Abou-Zeid wrote in the introduction to the recently adopted Continental AI Strategy: AI “is seen as a driving force for positive change, socio-economic transformation, and cultural renaissance.”
Strong government policy is crucial for unlocking Africa’s AI potential, and new research confirms this critical link. The Google-commissioned AI Policy Blueprint for Africa report by Nextrade Group, which surveyed over 2,000 African students, businesses, and organizations, reveals a striking connection between policy readiness and AI adoption.
The report demonstrates a clear correlation: African countries with established, pro-AI digital policy frameworks also have significantly higher AI adoption rates than their peers with less mature policy frameworks. This is especially timely as governments across the continent are actively working on AI strategies at the national level, with some already having adopted them. This data underscores the vital role governments play in creating an environment where AI can flourish.
To guide this crucial government leadership, the AI Policy Blueprint report provides a practical roadmap. Building upon the foundational recommendations from Google’s AI Sprinters report, this blueprint offers specific policy guidance across four key pillars: infrastructure, skills development, investment in innovation, and responsible AI regulation.
For each pillar, the blueprint outlines specific policy actions African nations can take to accelerate AI adoption and maximize its benefits for their citizens. The report was designed to help policymakers in the task of translating the exciting vision of the recent AU Continental AI Strategy into practical policies aimed at achieving it.
One of the most important recommendations the report makes is on data readiness. The blueprint emphasizes the importance of ensuring access to high-quality datasets that reflect Africa’s diversity.
Governments can achieve this by opening up non-sensitive public data for AI development, promoting data transfer across borders, and encouraging the use of privacy-enhancing technologies (PETs). The blueprint also stresses the importance of harmonized data protection frameworks to ensure privacy and security as AI systems are deployed.
Crucially, the blueprint advocates for a “cloud-first” approach in the public sector, where governments prioritize cloud-based solutions for data storage and service delivery.
By migrating to the cloud, governments can effectively manage and process the vast amounts of data required for AI, unlocking its potential to improve public services and address critical challenges. The report, scanning the global horizon for AI policies, mentions Singapore as a prime example, where the government has issued guidelines that allow for greater flexibility in using personal data for AI development while still protecting privacy.
This call for government leadership is echoed by the very people who stand to benefit most from AI. The report reveals a groundswell of excitement among African businesses, especially fast-growing firms, with many seeing AI as “absolutely transformative” for their operations and predicting significant revenue gains—as much as 20% annually.
In fact, almost 90% are already applying AI to research, data analysis, marketing content creation, and even coding. Moreover, a majority of Africans believe AI can boost productivity and accelerate national development. These individuals and businesses expressed hope that governments will proactively support this progress by ensuring AI is used safely and responsibly, equipping young people with essential AI skills, and helping small businesses leverage this powerful technology.
Governments must also lead by example, actively adopting AI within their own operations to demonstrate its value and build public trust. The report found overwhelming support for this approach, with over 80% of respondents agreeing that governments should invest in AI to improve public service delivery.
The adoption of AI by governments not only improves government efficiency but also inspires confidence in AI across all sectors, encouraging wider adoption.
At Google, we are committed to being a steadfast partner for African governments, businesses, and individuals on their journey to capture the vast opportunities presented by AI. We believe in the power of technology to drive progress and improve lives, and we are dedicated to supporting Africa’s digital transformation.
Our recent announcements, including a $5.8 million commitment to AI skills development and the expansion of speech technology to include 15 more African languages, demonstrate our ongoing investment in the continent’s future.
We are committed to working with African governments as they embrace AI, not just as policymakers but as active users, demonstrating its transformative potential to their citizens and the world. We are confident that by working together, we can unlock Africa’s immense potential and build a future where AI empowers everyone.
Doron Avni is the VP of Public Policy and Government Affairs for Emerging Markets at Google
Feature/OPED
Bridging Africa’s Economic Horizons in 2025: Broader Strategic Perspectives
By Professor Maurice Okoli
African continent to a very great degree is rich in natural resources encompassing a wide range of both renewable and non-renewable assets. Africa is home to some 30 per cent of the world’s minerals, eight per cent of the world’s natural gas and 12 per cent of the world’s oil reserves. The continent has 40 per cent of the world’s gold and up to 90 per cent of its chromium and platinum.
The largest reserves of cobalt, diamond and uranium in the world are in Africa. It holds 65 per cent of the world’s arable land and 10 per cent of the planet’s internal renewable freshwater source.
For decades, Africa with its vast untapped natural resources has been the world’s geographical region of attention and priority, attracting various global players from all over the world for economic and political engagement.
In a quick assessment, China has emerged as the most powerful player with its geopolitical clout and leadership in fostering multifaceted economic growth. These can be interpreted differently and from different perspectives, and their unequivocal implications are also varied in terms of the current Africa’s transformations and future directions.
For Africa’s future pathway, the year 2025 could perhaps be set as another distinctive new chapter of strategic qualitative development and push for significant growth. The conditions for this expected growth could be linked to the fact that the continental organization African Union will install a new leadership in February 2025, South Africa chairs the G20, Commonwealth Secretariat and World Trade Organization are headed by two African women, a Ghanaian and a Nigerian citizen.
These resounding organizational features, at least, make 2025 an African year to facilitate investment and economic development opportunities, and through wide multilateral collaborations, both external investors and stakeholders, for remarkable changes.
(i) Kenya’s AUC leadership:
As well known, four candidates are slated for the February 2025 polls. Raila Odinga will face off with Djibouti’s Mohamoud Youssouf, Anil Gayan (Mauritius) and Richard Randriamandrato (Madagascar) for the African Union Commission chairmanship in the race to succeed the outgoing chairman Moussa Faki of Chad.
The latest development monitored for this article explicitly showed that Kenya’s candidate for the Africa Union Commission chairmanship Raila Odinga, highlighted his priorities and strategies to include enhancing intra-African trade by establishing a common market, implementing a broader economic transformation, strengthening regional integration and cooperation, and peace and security.
Undoubtedly, the African Union (AU) is a critical institution for promoting unity, peace, and development across the continent. However, there is a growing consensus that it requires reforms to increase its effectiveness, efficiency, and relevance in addressing Africa’s challenges. Here are reasons why reforms are necessary:
1. Structural and Institutional Weaknesses: The AU has been criticized for its slow decision-making processes and lack of streamlined operations. The relationship between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) is often unclear, leading to duplication of efforts and fragmented initiatives.
2. Financial Dependence: Over 60% of the AU’s budget comes from external donors, raising concerns about the organization’s independence and ability to prioritize African-led solutions. Worse, many member states have unsuccessfully been in a position to meet promptly their financial obligations, hindering the AU’s ability to execute its programs effectively. This is most often reflected in the limited success of peacekeeping: Despite efforts, the AU has struggled to resolve protracted conflicts in regions like the Sahel, Somalia, and the Great Lakes.
3. Geopolitical and Global Challenges: Adapting to a changing world, with shifts in global power dynamics, the AU must reform to ensure Africa’s interests are adequately represented on the global stage.
4. Lack of Accountability and Governance: There have been concerns over deep-seated corruption. Internal mismanagement and corruption have undermined the credibility of the AU. There is a need for stronger accountability mechanisms to ensure compliance with AU protocols and charters by member states.
Raila Odinga’s tremendous political experience and pan-African vision unreservedly underscored the unwavering commitment to reforms as potential steps to advance the basic objectives of uplifting the economic status of the continent under the banner “Africa We Want” incorporated into the Agenda 2063.
Kagame Report (2017): Spearheaded by Rwandan President Paul Kagame, this initiative proposed actionable reforms to address structural inefficiencies and financial sustainability. Efforts to reduce the number of AU departments and improve coordination among stakeholders. Reforming the African Union is essential for building a stronger, more unified Africa capable of addressing its internal challenges and asserting its position on the global stage.
As frequently reiterated, Africa with its huge human and natural resources can take its rightful position in the current 21st century in the world. But for the realization of this, Africa still has to coordinate with the Commonwealth Secretariat, WTO, G20 and BRICS in promoting industrialization, supporting manufacturing, and enhancing innovation through investments in education, technology, healthcare, affordable energy and skills development. These invariantly fall within the Africa’s Agenda 2063.
(ii) South Africa’s G20 chairmanship: South Africa is now the biggest economy in Africa, with a GDP of $373 billion in 2024. (WorldStatistics) In addition to its economic prominence in Africa, South Africa is a staunch member of BRICS+ (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), an informal association joined by Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates.
On one hand, it is important to mention here the role of South Africa as it takes the chairmanship of the Group of 20 (G20) in 2025. It is an intergovernmental forum comprising 19 sovereign countries, the European Union (EU), and the African Union (AU). In 2023, during its summit, the African Union joined as its 21st member and was officially represented at the 2024 G20 summit in Brazil.
On the other hand, since its inception, the recurring themes covered by G20 summit participants have related in priority to global economic growth,
international trade and financial market regulation – these are issues affecting Africa. South Africa could direct G20’s win-win influence in streamlining the beneficial economic sphere considered key to Africa’s development and which would unprecedentedly impact on aspects of life of an estimated 1.4 billion people in the 21st century.
With South Africa at the helm of G20 affairs, it is therefore paramount to seriously “re-evaluate” both the group and individual member’s relations with Africa. South Africa has a unique opportunity to influence the global agenda, especially in addressing the priorities of developing nations. Here are key actions South Africa should undertake:
1. Advocate for African and Global South Priorities
Debt Relief and Financing: Push for frameworks that support debt restructuring and sustainable financing for developing nations, ensuring equitable access to funds for recovery and development. Climate Justice: Emphasize the need for climate financing and support for adaptation, particularly for African nations facing severe climate vulnerabilities.
2. Enhance Multilateralism
Strengthen international cooperation on trade, technology transfer, and global health, highlighting Africa’s role in the global economy. Support reforms in global governance institutions, such as the IMF and World Bank, to give emerging economies more say in decision-making.
3. Promote Inclusive Growth
Champion policies to address inequality, including initiatives to improve education, health, and digital inclusion across member states. Focus on creating partnerships to promote job creation, particularly in green and digital economies.
4. Strengthen Food and Energy Security
Address disruptions in global supply chains exacerbated by geopolitical conflicts. Advocate for sustainable agricultural practices and support energy transition strategies that align with Africa’s development needs.
5. Foster Trade and Investment Opportunities
Use the G20 platform to attract investments in Africa, highlighting the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a mechanism for growth. Advocate for fair trade practices that enable African products to access global markets without undue barriers.
If South Africa effectively prioritizes these actions, it could strengthen Africa’s influence in global decision-making drive sustainable development and reduce inequality. The position of South Africa and the African continent are central players in solving global challenges. In a nutshell, South Africa’s leadership in the G20 offers an opportunity to align the group’s actions with Africa’s development aspirations while fostering global solidarity in an era of increasing geopolitical complexity.
(iii) Ghana’s directorship of Commonwealth Secretariat: In late October 2024, the Commonwealth of Nations marked yet another milestone with the appointment of Ghana’s Foreign Minister and Regional Integration, Shirley AyorkorBotchwey, as the next Secretary-General. For West Africans, her appointment was a prestigious testament, first to women’s empowerment and second, to resilience and a reminder that Africa’s voice matters on the world stage.
Despite these two reasons, however, it further presented a step forward in broadening African representation at the helm of international organizations and most importantly the extent this could impact the development of the multifaceted relations with the continent. The Commonwealth has played various roles and continues to attach indivisible value in fostering partnerships with various African countries.
Through these relations, Africa’s economy may benefit from a renewed diverse set of attention to sustainable development and job creation opportunities. It could also see increased investment and trade partnerships among its 56 member nations. Without mincing words, the Commonwealth has shown, in various ways, commitment to unity, peace, and sustainable progress in Africa.
Africa’s relationship with the Commonwealth presents several opportunities, particularly in the context of current geopolitical shifts. For instance, access to markets: The Commonwealth provides a platform for enhancing intra-Commonwealth trade, which is projected to reach $1 trillion annually. Africa can leverage this to diversify trade partners amid shifting global alliances. The next question relates to existing investment opportunities: the Commonwealth programs promote investment, particularly in sustainable industries, offering African countries opportunities to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in green and digital economies.
As the Secretary-General, Shirley AyorkorBotchwey has the possibility of negotiating for initiatives like the Commonwealth scholarships and fellowships to promote education and capacity building, helping African nations develop skilled workforces. And also for strengthening cultural programs and exchanges foster mutual understanding and cooperation.
With increasing competition between global powers, Africa can use the Commonwealth to diversify alliances, reducing over-reliance on single blocs like China or the West. By actively engaging with the Commonwealth, Africa can harness these opportunities to navigate the complexities of global power dynamics while fostering development and regional stability.
(iv) Nigeria’s pedalling World Trade Organization: Today’s transformations and reforms at the World Trade Organization have practical evidence to support the newly created single borderless market in Africa.
The African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) being the flagship of the African Union (AU) is intended to consolidate the intra-African trade to an expected tune of $2.7 trillion and the diverse spheres of the continental economy. In its 2024 report, the UNECA estimated that by 2045 intra-African trade will increase by nearly 35% compared to a situation without the AfCFTA.
This is one signal pointing to the fact that WTO has to strike a groundbreaking impactful collaboration with AfCFTA, but a lot would depend on how critical and important Africa’s partnership with external players is designed and pursued, uttermost offering Africa better opportunities for noticeable economic, socio-cultural and political growth.
In practical reality, Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and WTO top management have to show seriousness in changing to result-oriented partnerships, especially in its historic trade cooperation these decades with Africa. Both the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) aim to reduce barriers to trade, such as tariffs and non-tariff barriers, fostering economic integration and market access.
The WTO provides a global framework for trade regulations, while AfCFTA operates within a similar rule-based framework at the continental level, ensuring predictability and transparency. Both organizations focus on enhancing the trade capacity of member states. The WTO supports developing nations with trade-related technical assistance, while AfCFTA includes initiatives to boost the trade readiness of African countries. The WTO and AfCFTA could work together to harmonize regional trade rules with global trade agreements, ensuring coherence between Africa’s trade policies and international standards.
In summary, the WTO and AfCFTA share common goals in promoting fair and inclusive trade practices, and collaboration between the two can significantly enhance the global trade integration of African countries.
(v) Conclusion – The Year of Africa: Achievable and strategic recommendations for 2025: Judging from the discussion, the African Union and individual African States, therefore in 2025, have to consider the absolute necessity to outlook for strategic collaboration with external partners and corporate shareholders within the framework of the African Union’s Agenda 2063. The necessity for African leaders to prioritize economic parameters and their related proactive measures that enhance practical support for both public and private-sector collaboration.
In furtherance to this, the necessity to draw a roadmap for businesses to achieve long-term sustainable growth, and utilize the opportunities in the intra-African single market while simultaneously adapting to shifting global market demands.
In addition, African leaders, in order to claim the public nobility, instead of rattling anti-western rhetoric have to build and muster their own negotiation capacity to deal with developed countries. In the subsequent years, reawaking the African Union and other Regional Economic Communities, and African leaders should arguably be the main priority, predictably as possible to play the economic development catch-up, in the Global South.
Professor Maurice Okoli is a fellow at the Institute for African Studies and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. He is also a fellow and lecturer at the North-Eastern Federal University of Russia. He serves as an expert at the Roscongress Foundation and the Valdai Discussion Club.
As an academic researcher and economist with a keen interest in current geopolitical changes and the emerging world order, Maurice Okoli frequently
contributes articles for publication in reputable media portals on different aspects of the interconnection between developing and developed countries, particularly in Asia, Africa, and Europe. With comments and suggestions, he can be reached via email: markolconsult (at) gmail (dot) com.
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