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Corruption Fight: Why Buhari Should Sustain Maina’s Pension Fund Recovery Efforts

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By Felicia Okoh

In Nigeria at the moment, there’s a word, or more appropriately buzzword that resonates everywhere: It is a word that even children in nursery school may be familiar with given every usual reference to it at the slightest opportunity.

Indeed, there is hardly any news item from Nigeria these days that does not make mention of it. CORRUPTION! If it is not about how Muhammadu Buhari’s administration is prosecuting some corrupt people by charging them to court, it is about monies the government is seemingly recovering or has traced and recovered as was observed with the N13 billion stashed in a residential flat in Ikoyi, Lagos.

At times it could even be the tale, as we are ever so often regaled with as well, of corruption fighting back! That is a familiar line from both the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Lai Mohammed, the Minister of Information, a.k.a spokesman for the Federal government. Of course, people fight to protect their interest.

Far worrisome on Nigeria’s corruption fight is that even an ignoble man who had looted the public treasury and uses it to fund his bogus lifestyle would not give it up without a fight or scheme to destroy his accusers.

This complicated gambit is definitely not strange in most developing economies with long history of sleaze in governance but Nigerian citizens seem exceptional in strategies to discourage corruption fight.

Emphatically, in Nigeria, long before now, any credible polity watcher would have noticed how promoters of corruption in government fight back with distortion of facts and attack those that exposed them with unimaginable impunity.

Even recently, there is no better example of a victim of corruption fight back narrative for me than what happened to Abdulrasheed Maina, the former Chairman of the Pension Reform Task Team, PRTT, whom recovered trillions of naira, yet was forced out of office under largely politically motivated circumstances.

When Maina was appointed to head the presidential task team on pension reform some years ago, few people gave him any chance of succeeding as it was not the first time Nigerians would be seeing someone lead an intervention transformation task team in the country.

But the young intelligent Maina had a clear idea what needed to be done to reform Nigeria’s rotten pension scheme that was hampered by decade long corruption involving powerful figures with a hold on the system.

He went about his work quietly and before long was able to recover humongous sums of money for the federal government, money running into trillions of Naira.

But just when you asked for more, the story changed. The hunter suddenly became the hunted as the very people who had for decades been making a kill from pension money, feeding fat on the sweat and blood of fellow citizens thereafter smiling home with tens of billions of Naira, turned the heat on him, alleging that he was corrupt.

They came up with stories that Maina had embezzled N195 billion from the trillions he had recovered, and soon the narrative changed from the issue of the monies recovered by the Borno State born reformer to what is allegedly missing.

The Nigerian Senate of the then 7th Assembly decided to investigate the allegations and soon set up a panel to probe him.

After Maina’s preliminary appearance before the Senate Committee, he claimed that he was not given fair hearing as he was only allowed to provide a yes or no response to issues that demanded explanations.

Most likely, Maina might have perceived a premeditated verdict, thus opted for a legal battle. However, the police later declared him wanted over his failure to honour further invitations of the Senate Committee.

Fortunately, for him, the court quashed the warrant issued by the police with even a perpetual injunction restraining the police from arresting him on related issues. This is just the background to what was later discovered as clear ruse to destroy Maina’s reputation.

On record, a man who was being praised to high heavens by many for reforming Nigeria’s pension system was now suddenly being accused by some, including the Senate Committee, of shortchanging the system.

Following the senate inquiry, the EFCC hurled their net at him. Determined to save his name, Maina filed a N1.5 billion suit against the National Assembly and police claiming abuse of his fundamental human rights.

The unfortunate part of the drama is that the same EFCC under its former leadership which also participated in the entire Maina Led Biometric Exercise that was being queried, later succumbed to pressure from the 7th Senate to declare Maina guilty as charged.

Before long, Maina was attacked but he escaped death by the whiskers. The devious act happened at his residence but he was a lucky victim of failed assassination of near death as widely reported in the media.

Fearing for his life, it was also reported that Maina travelled out of Nigeria. By every sound logic, it is afterall, a living being that has a chance to defend himself.

However, like any assumed innocent man, the accusation of embezzling money is worrisome and it is wise to clear your name of any wrongdoing, particularly when you know, like Maina does, that the allegations against you are contrived and false, cooked up by people with an agenda to protect their crooked interest.

This is easily buttressed by quick recall that one of the senior members of the panel that probed the Maina led PRTT had since confessed to insincerity on national television.

Unfortunately, it is now almost four years that these series of events unfolded, culminating in Maina losing his job as the then President Goodluck Jonathan administration later replaced him with Olabisi Jaji, following pressure from the same 7th Senate.

Indeed, it is shocking that even the then Head of Service cowed in and sanctioned Maina for failing to report to work a day after he was shot or was proposed to have been killed, an incident which was duly captured in the media.

At times like this, it is best to put an unfortunate past behind and focus on the dream of a collective prosperous future especially when the present led Buhari administration of Nigeria, as obvious, is firmly committed to addressing corruption headlong.

However, what the country needs is to bring on board its best hands to collaborate with existing government efforts for successful and rapid tackle of fraud monster.

Good that Maina has not been proved to be corrupt, he was simply a victim of a system possessed of cabals bent on destroying him. He was, as his short stint as pension fund recovery boss shows, a vastly experienced reformer and goal getter who changed the pension system in Nigeria and ended up recovering trillions of Naira for his country.

Indeed, Maina it was who introduced the Smart Card Biometric system of payment for pensioners that revolutionized the sector.

Before him, pensioners used to travel long distances from their communities and respective states to come to Abuja to collect their monthly pension payments only to be forced to queue in line to collect their entitlement due to the sheer number of people that had come for the same purpose.

Such reports of beneficiaries queuing and even dying in the process of waiting to collect their entitlements were common.

Nevertheless, under Maina’s direction and with the Smart Card instituted, no one needed to queue again to collect his money.

Certainly with gross elimination of almost a hundred thousand ghost pensioners, Maina sanitized the Pension system, saved Nigeria billions of Naira but put his life at great risk as evinced in his unfortunate encounter.

Candidly and succinctly put, for a country like Nigeria to grow, it needs men of courage with traits of patriotism like that exhibited by Maina.

No doubt, Maina has demonstrated capacity and he still remains very qualified to continue helping recover more of Nigeria’s stolen wealth.

The fact that the major allegation of embezzlement against him has been dismissed is sufficient proof that corruption was fighting back at him.

Nevertheless, if there exists any other allegation on Maina, it could just be another distraction promoted by those opposed to his work.

Indeed, such should not be permitted to be a strong reason for the government not to engage and tap from his knowledge in detecting and exposing fraud. It is very obvious but sad that the pension thieves that Maina tried to stub out would not like this view and even few reasonable people may disagree with me on Maina.

However, I believe that in this era of economic recession, the Nigerian majority would recognize the absurdity of ignoring stolen trillions of Naira from our national treasury in the hands of few criminals whilst focusing on uncertain allegations against Maina is of no quality reasoning.

More so, there is nothing abnormal with putting on hold or temporarily ignoring the seeming bogus existing accusations against Maina until he completes this vital national task of gross common good.

In fact, I believe this approach of avoiding unnecessary distractions is just about applying wisdom to stop those that wish to frustrate the Buhari’s Anti-corruption fight especially on Pension reform.

This piece was written by Felicia Okoh, Ph.D, a lecturer at the University of Lagos (UNILAG).

Dipo Olowookere is a journalist based in Nigeria that has passion for reporting business news stories. At his leisure time, he watches football and supports 3SC of Ibadan. Mr Olowookere can be reached via [email protected]

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Nigerian Opposition: What You Have to Do

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Nigerian Opposition

By Prince Charles Dickson, PhD

“And Jesus said to Judas… what you are going to do, do quickly.”

There is a hard, almost rude lesson in that line. History does not wait for the timid to finish their committee meeting. Politics, especially Nigerian politics, is not kind to hesitation dressed as strategy. It rewards those who understand timing, nerve, structure, and the brutal arithmetic of power. That is where the Nigerian opposition now stands: not at the edge of impossibility, but at the edge of urgency.

The first truth is the one opposition politicians do not enjoy hearing at rallies where microphones are loud, and introspection is scarce. They are not getting it right. The evidence is not only in Tinubu’s strength, but in their own disorder. INEC said on February 5, 2026, that there were now 21 registered political parties and warned that persistent internal leadership crises within parties pose a serious threat to democratic consolidation. Eight days later, the commission formally released the notice and timetable for the 2027 general elections. In other words, this is no longer the season of abstract grumbling. The whistle has gone. The race is live.

Yet the opposition often behaves like students who entered the examination hall with righteous anger but forgot their pens. Too much of its energy is spent on lamentation, rumours, courtroom oxygen, personality feuds, and that old Nigerian hobby of mistaking noise for architecture. You cannot defeat an incumbent machine by forming a WhatsApp coalition of wounded egos and calling it national salvation. Voters may clap for drama, but they still ask the unromantic question: who is in charge, what is the plan, and why should we trust you with the keys?

Now comes the more uncomfortable truth. The opposition is not facing an ordinary incumbent. It is facing Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man whose political DNA was forged in opposition. He is not merely benefiting from power; he understands opposition as craft, pressure, infiltration, timing, persistence, and theatre. In his June 12, 2025, Democracy Day speech, he taunted rivals by saying it was “a pleasure to witness” their disarray, while also reminding Nigerians that he once stood almost alone against an overbearing ruling machine. This was not casual banter. It was a warning shot from a politician who knows both the grammar of resistance and the machinery of incumbency.

That is why copying Tinubu’s old template will not be enough. Yes, the coalition instinct is understandable. In July 2025, major opposition figures, including Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, aligned under the ADC banner, presenting themselves as a bulwark against one-party drift, with David Mark as interim chairman. But here is the problem: Tinubu’s own coalition history worked not simply because men gathered in one room and glared at the ruling party. It worked because there was a disciplined merger logic, state-level anchoring, message coordination, and a ruthless understanding of elite bargaining. What the present opposition sometimes offers instead is photocopy politics with low toner: a coalition of convenience trying to frighten a man who practically wrote the Nigerian handbook on political accommodation, defection management, and patient conquest.

This is also why the opposition’s moral complaint, though not baseless, cannot be its only language. Yes, concerns about democratic shrinkage are real. Tinubu himself publicly denied that Nigeria is moving toward a one-party state, even as defections from opposition parties to the APC intensified and his own party welcomed them. But to say “democracy is in danger” is not yet the same thing as building a democratic alternative. Nigerians do not eat constitutional anxiety for breakfast. They want a credible opposition that can protect pluralism and still explain food prices, jobs, security, power supply, transport costs, and what exactly it would do on Monday morning after taking office.

On the government’s side, the picture is mixed enough to make both triumphalism and apocalypse look unserious. Reuters reported this week that the World Bank expects Nigeria’s economy to grow by about 4.2% in 2026, with external buffers improving and the debt-to-GDP ratio falling for the first time in a decade. Inflation had eased to 15.06% in February from roughly 33% in late 2024. Those are not imaginary numbers, and any fair-minded analysis must admit that Tinubu’s reforms have altered the macroeconomic conversation. But the same report warned that the Iran war has pushed fuel prices up by more than 50%, with obvious consequences for transport, food, and household pain. Add the continuing insecurity, underscored again this week by the killing of a Nigerian army general in Borno, and the government begins to look like a man who has repaired the roof but left half the house still flooding. That is not a collapse. It is not a command either. It is a meandering reform under political stress.

So, what must the opposition do, and do quickly? First, it must stop making Tinubu the only subject of the campaign. Anti-Tinubu is not a manifesto. It is a mood. Moods trend; structures win. Second, it must settle leadership questions early and publicly, because no voter wants to hire a rescue team still fighting over the steering wheel. Third, it needs an issue coalition, not just an elite coalition. Security, inflation, youth jobs, electricity, federalism, and institutional reform must become a coherent national offer, not a buffet of press conference talking points. Fourth, it must build from the states upward. Presidential romance without subnational organisation is political karaoke: loud, emotional, and usually off-key by the second verse.

Fifth, it must look seriously at the legal terrain. The Electoral Act 2026 has made party organisation even more central. PLAC notes that the new law tightens party registration rules, removes deemed registration, expands INEC’s regulatory discretion, and preserves the fact that candidates still need political parties as the vehicle for contesting most elective offices because independent candidacy is not permitted. In plain language, parties matter even more now. A fragmented opposition is therefore not just aesthetically untidy. It is strategically suicidal.

Still, there are dangers in the opposite direction, too. A desperate anti-Tinubu mega-bloc could become a cargo truck of incompatible ambitions. If all it offers is the promise to defeat one man, it may reproduce the same habits it condemns once power arrives. Nigeria does not need a ruling party so swollen that democracy gasps for air. But it also does not need an opposition whose only ideology is turn-by-turn revenge. The health of democracy lies somewhere between monopoly and mob. It requires competition with content, not merely competition with bitterness. Tinubu himself, in that same June 12 speech, defended multiparty politics even while mocking the opposition’s disorder. That irony should not be wasted. He has thrown them both an insult and an assignment.

So, yes, the opposition is right to worry. But worry is not a strategy. Outrage is not an organisation. The coalition is not coherent. And history is not sentimental. The man they are up against is ruthless, seasoned, and intimate with the dark arts of democratic combat. He knows the game. Some of his opponents are still learning the rules from old newspaper cuttings.

Which brings us back to the scripture. What you are going to do, do quickly. Not recklessly. Not hysterically. Quickly. Settle your house. Name your purpose. Offer something fresher than recycled indignation. Build a machine that is not merely anti-Tinubu but pro-Nigeria in a way ordinary Nigerians can feel in their pockets and in their pulse. Otherwise, the opposition will keep arriving at battle dressed in borrowed armour, only to discover that the tailor works for the man they came to unseat—May Nigeria win!

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The Digital Imperative for Women-Led Businesses in Nigeria

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Gloria Onosode FairMoney

By Gloria Onosode

Nigeria is targeting an ambitious $1 trillion economy by 2030. To achieve this, women-led businesses must transition from mere passive observers to primary growth drivers at the heart of the economy and strategic participants in their respective industries.

According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the increased ownership rate of MSMEs by women represents a significant contribution to economic growth and job creation. Digital empowerment for these enterprises must move from being a social responsibility or gender support initiative to contributing to broader economic development.

To reach the $1 trillion GDP milestone, women-led businesses must be positioned to operate at a macroeconomic scale. This requires moving beyond subsistence trading and into the digital value chain.  For instance, a fashion designer in Aba, through digital positioning, can access broader markets and commercial networks and thereby facilitate better record-keeping and data-driven decision-making, supporting improved financial record-keeping, which may be considered in credit assessments by financial institutions.

FairMoney Microfinance Bank (MFB), a bank licensed and regulated by the Central Bank of Nigeria, contributes to the digital transitioning of small businesses in Nigeria by providing tools specifically designed for the realities of the Nigerian entrepreneur. For women, whose businesses often fluctuate with seasonal demands or family needs, the ability to protect and grow capital is paramount. FairMoney MFB offers features that empower women to move from informal ‘under-the-mattress’ savings to digitised interest-bearing savings products. By embracing digital transition, tech-based saving platforms can enable business owners to set specific goals, such as purchasing new equipment,  saving towards business goals in a disciplined manner, while earning interest at applicable rates.

For that business owner who requires immediate liquidity, our flexible savings feature offers interest while allowing for withdrawal access that is subject to applicable terms and conditions to cover emergency restocks. For longer-term scaling, our fixed-term savings feature allows entrepreneurs to lock away funds for a fixed period and accrue interest based on product terms, subject to terms and conditions. By automating savings and providing interest at applicable rates, FairMoney MFB is designed to support financial planning and resilience over time for women-led SMEs.

Nigerian women are among the most entrepreneurial globally, consistently defying structural barriers to build enterprises from the ground up. According to the Small and Medium Enterprise Development Agency of Nigeria (SMEDAN), Nigeria has approximately 39.6 million nano, micro, small, and medium enterprises. Charles Odii, Director General at SMEDAN in 2024, also recently shared that approximately 72% of these enterprises are now classified as being owned or led by women. This is a significant jump from previous years, which hovered around 40–43%, largely due to the surge in ‘nano’ and ‘micro’ home-based businesses. These female-led enterprises are the primary engines of job creation and community stability.

Despite this drive, women entrepreneurs face a unique set of structural hurdles that stifle their ability to scale. The ‘financing gap’ remains the most formidable obstacle. The World Bank IFC Nigeria2Equal initiative reports that while Nigeria has one of the highest female entrepreneurship rates globally, the credit gap for these women is estimated at over 2.9 trillion Naira, forcing them into the ‘savings and family’ funding model.

The case for supporting these businesses extends beyond equity; it is rooted in the ‘multiplier effect’. Research demonstrates that women reinvest up to 90% of their income into their families and communities, specifically in education, healthcare, and nutrition. Supporting these enterprises is, therefore, a direct investment in Nigeria’s human capital.  By bringing these businesses into the formal sector, the accuracy of economic planning will be improved. When a woman-led SME flourishes, the benefits ripple across the entire socioeconomic landscape.

The future of the Nigerian economy is intrinsically tied to the success of its women. When we prioritise women-led businesses, we are not merely fulfilling a gender quota; we can contribute to unlocking economic potential across sectors. By bridging the digital gap and providing robust financial tools for saving and credit to women-led businesses,  Nigeria can begin to support the growth of micro-enterprises over time.  A $1 trillion Nigeria is not just a dream; it represents a significant opportunity that can be progressively realised by the resilient women entrepreneurs of our nation.

Gloria Onosode is the Director of Enterprise Sales at FairMoney Business

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Premium Entertainment Without the Premium Price Tag

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GOtv Logo

These days, surviving in Nigeria feels like a full-time job on its own.

Before the month even properly begins, salary has already been divided into transport, fuel, food, bills, subscriptions, and every other expense that somehow keeps increasing. For many 9–5ers, the routine has become painfully familiar: wake up early, battle traffic, survive the stress of work, battle traffic again, and get home completely drained, only to realise even the simple things that help you unwind now have to be carefully budgeted for.

Because in this economy, everybody is cutting costs. People are thinking twice before ordering food. They are postponing shopping plans. They are reducing unnecessary spending. And for many, one of the first things to go has been entertainment.

The same streaming platforms and premium subscriptions people once paid for without thinking have now become part of the “maybe next month” list. Not because people suddenly stopped loving movies, series, football, or reality TV, but because when inflation keeps rising, and fuel costs continue to affect everything, entertainment starts to feel like a luxury.

But that is exactly why affordability in entertainment matters now more than ever and why GOtv continues to stand out as a brand that genuinely keeps everyday Nigerians in mind.

Rather than assuming quality entertainment should only be accessible to people willing to spend heavily, GOtv has consistently positioned itself as a platform built with everyday Nigerians in mind, creating options that allow people to still enjoy premium entertainment without having to break the bank.

Take the GOtv Smallie package, for example.

For as low as ₦1,900 a month, subscribers get access to over 35 channels, including approximately 19 to 21 local channels, sports content, and 15+ channels across news, music, movies, lifestyle, kids, and general entertainment.

And for those who prefer longer payment plans, it is also available in:

  • Quarterly – ₦5,100

  • Annual – ₦15,000

What makes this even better is that, despite being the most affordable package, Smallie still offers something for everyone.

It is not one of those basic plans where you pay less and get almost nothing. Whether you are the family member who loves African movies, the sports enthusiast who never wants to miss a match, the parent looking for kids’ content, or the person who just wants background TV after a stressful day, there is something to watch.

And for viewers who want even more variety, GOtv has other packages across different price points:

  • GOtv Jinja – ₦3,900

  • GOtv Jolli – ₦5,800

  • GOtv Max – ₦8,500

  • GOtv Supa – ₦11,400

  • GOtv Supa Plus – ₦16,800

So, whether you’re going for the most affordable option or something with a more premium feel, there’s always a GOtv package that fits comfortably into different lifestyles and budgets.

At a time when everyday decisions are increasingly shaped by cost, GOtv quietly fills an important gap by keeping quality entertainment within reach for more people, because beyond the hustle, the traffic, the deadlines, and the constant pressure of trying to keep up with life in today’s economy, there is still a need for simple moments of joy and escape. Those small pauses in the day where you can switch off, relax, and just enjoy something light without overthinking it.

And that’s really the point: entertainment shouldn’t feel like another financial burden.

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