Feature/OPED
When History Judges The Judges
By Sonala Olumhense
Finally, Nigeria last week got around to the touchy subject of taking the filthy wigs off corrupt members of the judiciary and calling criminals and an accessory to the crime.
Naturally, there is an uproar, notably from their professional relatives and sundry members of the corruption cooperative, who jumped up and sideways in alarm.
Certainly, it might have been more tidily done. But the Nigerian judiciary has not been tidy for 50 years. Pimps and prostitutes sometimes reject a client, perhaps for body odour or bad breath, but our corrupt judges have never said no to a dirty naira bill.
Military or civilian, Second Republic or Banana Republic, they have cashed in on their exalted seats, in the process serving as an example to the world that everyone has a price. I do not think they deserve to be extended the benefit of the doubt that, by their collusion, they denied life, opportunity or happiness.
If there is a concession that I make, it is that when they appear in a court, they be permitted a fair trial. But if jailed, they must be sent to the same jails they saved their collaborators from, their filthy wigs thrown in with them to be used as a pillow.
Hopefully, that will persuade others, that there is truth to the saying that nobody is above the law.
Or will it?
My experience is that former Nigerian leaders, and their families and friends, are above the law. I think that leaders of the major political parties are above the law. I think that top judges and Ministers, along with their friends and families, are above the law. And that this dichotomy, between those who must obey the law and those who may choose what side of the law they are on, is at the heart of Nigeria’s distress.
Last week, for instance, the EFCC found a reason to issue a denial that the arrests of the judges were undertaken by the DSS because the Attorney General of the Federation had become frustrated by the sluggish pace of the EFCC in responding to petitions sent to it.
It came on the same day that the agency swore that Patience Jonathan, the wife of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, would be made prosecuted if its investigations yield evidence of corruption against her.
The assertion was made by Iliyasu Kwarbai, the agency’s Deputy Director of Operations, upon the receipt of a petition against Mrs Jonathan and the ruling party from a group of protesters, led by civil society activists, at the EFCC office in Lagos.
In the petition, the demonstrators pointedly accused the EFCC of being selective in the anti-corruption effort. It demanded the arrest and prosecution of Mrs Jonathan, probe of APC campaign finance, and an end to the existence of sacred cows in the country, including the national leader of the APC, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, and the former governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi.
The Human Rights Defenders and Advocacy Centre, which led the protest, said to the EFCC, “You have found evidence incriminating Patience Jonathan, but we are surprised that [she] is still allowed to be walking freely, and even had the audacity to take the EFCC to court to release same money to her.”
The demonstrators challenged the agency to stop parading the slogan, ‘Nobody is above the law,’ citing Mrs Jonathan and former leaders Ibrahim Babangida, Abdusalam Abubakar, Olusegun Obasanjo and Mr Jonathan that it had failed to go after.
Mr Kwarbai was making an important commitment, but also a historically dangerous one. Every Nigerian leader and every government talks about fighting corruption, but not one has yet produced the courage to do so among the most powerful, where it matters.
I have spoken about the current incarnation of the EFCC. In its original, under pioneer chairman Nuhu Ribadu, the agency committed the same open boast as Mr Kwarbai.
That was in November 2007, and the venue was that same Ikoyi Office of the EFCC. The officer in charge: Umaru Sanda, who was the Head of General Investigation.
Receiving protesters of the Coalition Against Corrupt Leaders, which had arrived to file an anti-corruption petition against Obasanjo, he assured them the agency was up to the task, and had fireworks coming down concerning the Obasanjo file.
The following month, the Conference of National Political Parties also publicly filed another petition against Obasanjo.
That was nine years ago. Not once since then, in public or in action, has the EFCC breathed one word in honour of those pledges.
That was also the same period that the EFCC first came face-to-face with Mrs Jonathan: announcing money-laundering allegations against her in August and September 2006, one of them for $13.5 million.
The Commission filed charges against her, but those charges abruptly vanished, never again officially referred to. Nobody ever officially told this country what was done with the funds the EFCC seized from Mrs Jonathan in August and September of 2006.
It may also be recalled that Mr Ribadu, who was bundled out of the EFCC by the Umaru Yar’Adua government which was owned by the likes of former Delta State governor James Ibori, has since affirmed that Obasanjo was more corrupt—but more “clever”—than Sani Abacha.
Ribadu was replaced at the EFCC by Mrs Farida Waziri, who was so complicit and corrupt Mr. Jonathan buckled under public pressure, and fired her.
When Mrs Waziri arrived at the commission in 2008, one of the most heralded names on the staff was of one Ibrahim Magu, who had a reputation for professional rigor and discipline. He was one of dozens of top officers handling high-profile cases, including those of Ibori and Bukola Saraki, whom she quickly kicked out of the agency.
Mrs Waziri knew her real mission was to shield corruption, not combat it, and she did. Among others, she complained that the files of the governors facing prosecution were either missing or distorted, forgetting that they were computer files, which had copies in secure offshore databases. And she swore there were no petitions against Obasanjo.
Petitions of bribery and extortion against her were legion. In May 2009, The Public Accountability League (PAL) wrote to President Jonathan alleging that Mrs Waziri was negotiating commissions on EFCC cases, cooking the books, collecting monthly “tolls” from the banks, and buying expensive real estate in Nigeria and abroad. It offered to present proof. Mr Jonathan, no surprise here, ignored them, and ordered no probe.
But now, the Magu Mrs Waziri humiliated has her old job. Part of the challenge before him is to probe her tenure, not out of vengeance, but of professionalism.
Is a corrupt judiciary part of the menace of corruption in Nigeria? Of course, it is. But it is a massive monster, this menace because nobody in authority has ever summoned the will to prove that everyone is the same before the law.
By all means, let us take corrupt judges before incorrupt judges, including ourselves. But we must understand that until we can establish we are using the same playbook for everyone, those who fight corruption and those who are being fought will be indistinguishable at the bar of History.
CORRECTION
In last week’s comment, “A Major, General Mistake,” I inadvertently suggested that in April 1983, Major General Muhammadu Buhari launched the “War Against Indiscipline.” I meant to write April 1984. I thank my readers who pointed out the error.
sonala.olumhense@gmail.com
Twitter: @SonalaOlumhense
By Jerome-Mario Utomi
The April 12, 2025, defection of members of the Delta Unity Group (DUG) to the All Progressive Congress (APC) signposts a major political shift in Delta’s politics.
Pundits believe that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) which presently controls the state needs a miracle to win Delta’s 2027 governorship election given the massive haemorrhage that has hit it. Essentially, the over 10,000 members of the DUG and their supporters who defected to the APC were made up of seasoned grassroots PDP chieftains.
The defectors were received by the National Chairman of the All-Progressive Congress (APC), Mr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, and the Chairman of the Governing Board of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Mr Chiedu Ebie, alongside other notable political figures in Delta State.
So far, Deltans are enamoured by the significant political shift with many describing the development as a political earthquake which was long overdue. Because of its grassroots orientation, political analysts have likened the DUG to the Mandate Group, an independent political pressure group that midwifed the election of Mr Bola Tinubu, now President, as Lagos State Governor in the late 1990s.
In the run up to the 2023 presidential election, among so many objectives, the group was primed and positioned to defend President Tinubu’s mandate and promote democracy, unity, justice, and liberty in Nigeria, mobilize support for him and Vice President Kashim Shettima’s administration, Promote Unity and Justice: Foster national unity, justice, and liberty for all Nigerians among others.
The Mandate Group which has established structures in all 36 states, with plans to launch state chapters and currently have 580,000 members in Lagos and aim to reach 40 million members nationwide within the next 12 months, targets various segments of society, including: Students, Workers, Artisans, Teachers, Fishermen, Farmers and Women.
In like manner, the DUG has emerged as a third force in Delta State politics. Although it is not a new body, it has, over the years, been quietly bestriding Delta’s political landscape for the good of the state. Call it a third force in the politics of Delta State, and you won’t be wrong because, from all ramifications, that is what DUG represents.
DUG is by no means a political party, but, as the name implies, it is a Delta State based political pressure group convened a few years ago by the selfless, foresighted and influential trio of Mr Olu-Tokunbo (Lulu) Enaboifo, Mr Chiedu Ebie and Sir Itiako (Malik) Ikpokpo.
Their aim and dream were to establish a political pressure group with an agenda to modernize Delta State and also serve as the brain box of the campaign platform of Olorogun David Edevbie, who was vying for the governorship candidate of PDP towards the 2023 gubernatorial election.
Even though the aspiration ended with the Supreme Court ruling in favour of Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State, the DUG remained a strong force that started building gradually on the dream of a modernized Delta State. DUG has an organizational structure of 17 National Executive Council members, a Board of Trustees, and Local Government Executives in all the 25 local governments in Delta State, with Ward Executives in all the wards across Delta State, DUG is deeply rooted in the grassroots of Delta State with its cell-like structures.
Prior to the 2023 election, a wing of DUG, at the Obinoba Declaration, crossed over to APC, where the APC governorship candidate, Mr Ovie Omo-Agege, described them as the intelligent wing of PDP.
The group significantly made a huge difference in the 2023 general elections in Delta State. The DUG members in the Delta North Senatorial District, at that point in time, remained with PDP and after full deliberation and strategizing, opted to support the candidature of the APC governorship candidate and all other candidates of APC, even though they had not formally left the PDP. Consequently, most of them were either suspended or cast away by PDP after the elections.
It was easy to blend and work harmoniously with the progressives due to the progressive mindset of DUG members. After the 2023 general elections in Delta State, DUG members of Ika Federal Constituency continued to align and work closely with the APC to strengthen the party and ensure that it is properly positioned to convert the Ika Federal Constituency to an APC constituency come 2027.
To the glory of God, President Tinubu found DUG’s co-founder/convener, Mr Ebie, fit to chair the Governing Board of the NDDC in 2023. This further gave the DUG more vigor to project the Renewed Hope Agenda of the progressive governance of Mr President. Following this appointment, Ika Federal Constituency became the heartbeat of DUG in Delta State, which has now radiated positively to Ndokwa/Ukwuani and Aniocha/Oshimili Federal Constituencies in Delta North.
This wave, which has led to the massive decamping of members of PDP and the Labour Party into DUG in preparation for absorption into the APC, has also witnessed the reactivation of some dormant APC ambers and the massive welcoming of previously non-partisan and newly retired civil servants into the APC, having witnessed the positive impact of the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr. President.
Because the group was fully poised for the reconfiguration of Delta State in the progressive fold of the APC, it is therefore, not surprising to witness the humongous crowd that emptied into APC on 12th day of April, 2025 in Agbor, Ika Federal Constituency, Delta State.
Going by the above development, it is obvious that come 2027, Ika nation in particular and Deltans in general shall witness the dethronement of People’s Democratic Party, PDP, in the state and enthronement of a people focused leadership to be formed by the All Progressive Congress, APC, in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.
Utomi, a media specialist, writes from Lagos, Nigeria. He can be reached via Jeromeutomi@yahoo.com/
Africa’s creative industries, from music and film to fashion, writing, and branding, are experiencing remarkable growth. However, as the sector flourishes, so do the threats posed by piracy and copyright infringement. Without proper protection, creators risk losing the value and recognition they deserve for their original work.
Copyright remains the first and most important line of defence. In many African countries, copyright protection begins automatically once a creative work, such as a song, logo, film, or design, is fixed in a tangible form. This protection can last for the creator’s lifetime, and in most cases, up to 70 years after. Yet, while automatic copyright provides a foundation, official registration strengthens legal standing and can be critical in resolving disputes.
When a creator’s work is used without permission, the violation must be addressed swiftly. Experts advise that the first step is to gather evidence—screenshots, URLS, timestamps, user details, and even data showing engagement or financial gain from the misused content. Proof of ownership, such as original files with timestamps, draft versions, or social media records of earlier uploads, is equally vital.
“Creators should always have proof of ownership ready,” says Frikkie Jonker, Director of Anti-Piracy at MultiChoice. “That could be anything from original project files to old emails or posts. It’s one of the most effective tools in enforcing your rights.”
Once evidence is collected, creators can issue takedown requests through social platforms or send formal cease-and-desist letters to website owners or hosts. Although enforcement processes differ by country, most African nations have copyright laws aligned with global standards like the U.S. DMCA. In many cases, showing credible ownership is enough to have infringing content removed.
If infringement continues or is being done at scale, such as by piracy rings or repeat offenders, creators may need to escalate the issue by reporting it to national copyright commissions or law enforcement. Efforts are also being bolstered across the continent through cooperation under agreements like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), with international bodies like Interpol, Afripol, and WIPO supporting cross-border enforcement.
Preventative measures are just as important. Creators are encouraged to use tools like digital watermarking and content fingerprinting to protect their work from unauthorised use online. Furthermore, smart monetisation strategies, such as YouTube’s Content ID syste,m can allow creators to earn revenue even when their content is reused without prior permission.
By understanding their rights, taking proactive steps to protect their creations, and using available technologies, African creatives can safeguard their work while continuing to build sustainable, long-term careers.
By Saifullahi Attahir
If there was ever anything that gave me goosebumps and immense pleasure, it was being surrounded by intellectuals and mature minds absorbing facts and figures about governance, economics, public health, policymaking, national security, and international relations. In such situations I easily lose myself, forgetting almost all other things.
Even at medical school, my best lectures were those with frequent digressions, whereby the lecturer would discuss the pathogenesis of diseases for 30 minutes and later sidetrack into discussing politics, governance, or other life issues. I always enjoyed classes led by Prof. Sagir Gumel, Dr. Murtala Abubakar, Dr. Rasheed Wemimo, Dr. Aliyu Mai Goro, and co.
During such lectures, I often observed some of my colleagues disappointment for such deviation. I rather casually show indifference, for I was eternally grateful for such discussions due to the stimulatory effect they had on my mind.
After such classes, I sometimes followed up with the lecturer, not to ask about a medical concept I did not grasp, but to ask for further explanation on policy making, project execution, budgetary expenditures, why African countries are left behind, and similar pressing issues.
In situations where I can’t catch up with the lecturer, I jotted down the questions for further deliberation.
One of the manifest feature I know about my greediness was at reading books. I can open five different books in a day. I lack such discipline to finish up one before another. I can start reading ‘Mein Kampf’ by Adolf Hitler, and halfway through 300 pages, I would pick up ‘My Life’ by Sir Ahmadu Bello, and would have to concurrently read both until the end.
I often scolded myself for such an attitude, but I can’t help myself. The only way to practice such discipline was to at least read two different books in a day. Such was a triumph in my practice of self-discipline. This was apart from my conventional medical textbooks.
To some of my friends, I was called an accidental medical doctor, but actually it was a perfect fate guided by the merciful Lord that I’m studying medicine.
For it was only medicine that makes reading books easier for you. Although time is precious in this profession, but one finds it easier to do anything you are passionate about. The daily interaction we have with people at their most vulnerable state was another psychostimulant. Seeing humans suffering from disease conditions is heartache. Some of the causes are mere ignorance, poverty, superstitions, and limited resources.
The contribution one can give couldn’t be limited to just prescribing drugs or surgical procedures that end up affecting one person. It’s much better to involve one self in to position that may bring possible change to the whole society even in form of orientation.
What also motivated me more was how I wasn’t the first to traverse this similar path. Bibliophiles were common among medical students and medical professionals.
At international level, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Muhammad, was a physician.
Most of the current economic development of Malaysia was attributed to him. The South American revolutionary figure Che Guevara was a physician. Atul Gawande was an endocrinologist, health policy analyst, adviser to former President Obama, campaign volunteer to former President Bill Clinton, and adviser to USAID/WHO on health policies.
Frantz Fanon was another physician, psychiatrist, racial discrimination activist, and political writer. Dr. Zakir Naik was a renowned Islamic scholar, comparative religion expert, and physician.
At the national level, Prof. Usman Yusuf is a haematologist, former NHIS DG, and currently a political activist. Dr. Aminu Abdullahi Taura was a psychiatrist and former SSG to the Jigawa state government. Dr. Nuraddeen Muhammad was a psychiatrist and former cabinet minister to President Goodluck Jonathan.
During ward rounds and clinics, my mind often wanders to enquire not just about the diagnosis but the actual cause of the disease condition; why would a 17-year-old multiparous young lady develop peripartum cardiomyopathy (PPCM)? Why would a 5-year-old child develop severe anaemia from a mosquito bite? Why would a 25-year-old friend of mine develop chronic kidney disease, and his family would have to sell all their belongings for his treatment? Why are our Accident and Emergency units filled with road traffic accident cases? Was it bad road conditions or lack of adherence to traffic laws and orders?
Why are African countries still battling with 19th century diseases like Tuberculosis, filariasis, and malarial infections? Why issues of fighting cervical cancer and vaccination campaigns are treated with contempt in our societies? Why access to basic primary healthcare in Nigeria was still a luxury 50 years after Alma Ata declaration?
The questions are never-ending…
Answers to these questions could be found not in the conventional medical textbooks like Robbins/Cotrand, Davidson, or Sabiston. Answers to these questions are there on our faces. Answers to these questions are tied to the very fabric of our social life, our public institutions, our culture, and our life perspectives.
In order to make any significant contribution towards the betterment of this kind of society, it would be quite easier as an insider rather than an outsider. You can’t bring any positive outcome by just talking or commenting. It was rightly stated that a cat in gloves catches no mice.
The real players in a game are always better than the spectators. A player deserves accolades despite his shortcomings, frequent falls, and inability to deliver as planned theoretically. For the player has seen it all, because so many things in public life are not as they appear. It’s only when you are there that the reality becomes visible. This is the reason why many leaders who have goodwill and enjoy public support appear to have lost track or contributed insignificantly when elected or appointed into office.
But despite all these challenges, one can’t decline to do something good just because something bad might happen. The risk is worth it….
Attahir wrote from Federal University Dutse
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