Feature/OPED
Mobilizing Youth for Effective Civic Participation

By Mayowa Olajide Akinleye
Nigeria is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Article 12 of that document establishes that young people must be heard. They must be listened to and taken seriously. It is their right. This idea presupposes that there is a speaking, an expression that is present but ignorable. Articles 2 and 13 recognize this seeming powerlessness and, in seeking to protect the right to be heard, establish that young people have a right to not be discriminated against and can freely express themselves without fear.
Yet, 95% of its youth population does not feel heard; at least three out of four young people believe the country is headed in the wrong direction and that they are powerless to stop it. Nobody, they believe, is listening. This is a breach of a basic human right. Reacting to the Lekki shooting, one protester said “we spoke up thinking our voices would matter, only to cruelly find out that even our lives didn’t.”
Proving that rights, when not empowered by a commitment to duty, are useless. My right to life is worth something because I have a duty to not kill myself, and others have a duty to not kill me. Once the commitment to that duty becomes optional, my right to life is mere window dressing.
In the longest run of our democracy, the best we have had is a tokenistic commitment to listening and accounting for the dreams, needs, and concerns of our youth population—mere window dressing. As a result, there are unequal opportunities for political participation and civic engagement, our educational systems are struggling, high youth unemployment and migration, heightened helplessness, and a lack of voice in making decisions that positively affect their lives and create social change.
Nigeria and Nigerians have a duty to hear its young people and mobilise them to develop into active, responsive, and equal participants in the social, economic, and political fabric of her society. It is the onus of the state and its agents to enforce this duty and ensure an abiding commitment to its veracity.
Why must the state do this, and how can it do it successfully? These are the questions to which this article will offer answers.
The government’s overarching responsibility is to protect. The foundation of a state’s efficacy is steeped in how well it fares in its role as a protector. This burden of ensuring security is the primal justification for the social contract that is the cornerstone of state formation. Simply put, a government that fails to effectively secure its people is a blatant failure.
Listening to and responding to its youth population is critical for any state seeking to secure its citizens. This approach impacts security on three fronts: physical security, economic security, and political security.
Physical security is simply the protection of assets from physical disruption and events that could cause serious loss or damage for the owner. The rise of kidnapping, militancy, and oil bunkering in the south-south; insurgency in the northeast have deep-seated foundations in problems created by the feeling of powerlessness and neglect young people experience.
The fallout from the shooting at the Lekki Tollgate saw massive destruction of property in the city as well as all around the country. 205 critical national security assets, corporate facilities, and private property were attacked, burned, or vandalised. An estimated 71 public warehouses and 248 private stores were looted across 13 states. The multi-billion-naira Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) infrastructure was crippled. Police stations and offices of political parties in Ondo, Okitipupa, and Ibadan were looted and burned. Private homes and businesses of public officials were looted, and a traditional ruler’s palace was desecrated. The Yoruba have a saying: “A child that you refuse to build will eventually sell off or destroy the other things you built instead.”
When the youth population is heard, the result is increased trust in government institutions and systems, leading to better cooperation between them and the government. This increased cooperation can result in more effective law enforcement, crime prevention, and safety awareness; an increased sense of ownership and personal responsibility that enables community policing and reporting; and a lower predilection to violence because of strong mediation and negotiation frameworks.
The International Committee of the Red Cross defines economic security as the ability of individuals, households, or communities to cover their essential needs sustainably and with dignity. Food, shelter, transportation, clothing, healthcare, education, and means of production are examples of such needs. Economically secure countries globally—the UK, Australia, Singapore, Germany, Japan, etc.—typically have institutions and systems that ensure at least any two of political, educational, and economic empowerment for their youth populations.
This is evidenced by the quality of education and skill-building institutions, open government processes, open media, open markets, adherence to the rule of law, and inclusive political mechanisms. Nurtured by the push and pull effects of this reality, more young people become active, productive, and skilled and gain more economic and anthropological power in that society. They become smarter, wealthier, gain influence, start new industries, and contribute excellently to existing ones, ultimately increasing the quantity and quality of production, which in turn expands economic prosperity for everyone.
Political security refers to how resilient, fair, and efficient the governance framework is in upholding the rule of law and representing the interests of its constituency. It usually sets the stage for physical and economic security. The 1994 Human Development Report defined it as the prevention of government repression, systematic violations of human rights, and threats from militarization. These values are enshrined through the sustained development of political systems oriented towards human rights, democracy, and good governance.
Cogent youth engagement will improve the skills of and opportunities for young people to interact with and navigate the political system, encourage informed civic participation that will hold officeholders accountable, and hence deepen our democracy. The ability of a political party to consistently identify, attract, and project credible and promising young talents within its ranks will, in time, strengthen the party’s influence, ensure the identity, values, and ideologies of the party stay relevant within the mainstream of national conversations, and will have trained and empowered new generations to carry the baton. This type of inclusive handover is crucial for political sustainability.
Civic participation among young people is usually more of a response than a duty, as they have more pressing priorities and don’t understand the burden enough to care. Therefore, they must be catalysed. When the government is committed to their growth, they respond with patriotism and pride; when a society is hostile to them, they respond with anger and distrust, as is the case with Nigerian youth.
There are three preconditions that are indicative of this. First, Inspiration: Do young people feel inspired? What are their sources of inspiration? Secondly, motivation: What are the barriers to their participation? How strong are they? Are they willing to cross them? Why? And lastly, empowerment: What are their competencies? Can they afford the financial, physical, and intellectual costs of crossing them? Honest responses to these questions provide a detailed synopsis of the level of civic engagement we can expect from our young people.
Government and stakeholders must begin to prioritise activities that positively contribute to the identified indicators. These activities are grouped into five categories:
Activities that promote legislation, policies, and budget allocations for youth empowerment and engagement: Despite some progress in this regard with the formulation of a national youth policy, the signing of the “Not Too Young to Run” law, the establishment of youth parliaments and councils, and the 75 billion naira Nigeria Youth Investment Fund. Implementation is still a sore spot.
The Ekiti State Youth Parliament, for example, has been unable to access its budget provision for over three years, summarily stunting the efficacy of its operations. More work needs to be done to sidestep bad faith actors and earth legislation, policies, and financing so that they reflect and respond to niggling peculiarities.
Secondly, activities that support, create and sustain structures for young people’s participation and civic engagement. The private sector, civil society, trade unions, advisory councils, student councils and unions, youth parliaments, clubs, political parties, community development or peer group associations, trade unions, and advisory councils are major nests of engagement where young people can get involved and develop the skills and network they need for more extensive involvement in community development, politics, and governance.
The perverse stranglehold that cronyism, cultism, and thuggery have on these spaces limits young people’s interest and participation and is also to blame for the adversarial stance of stakeholders. It is, therefore, necessary to mobilise a network of interventions that strengthen the operation and independence of these structures and weaken the politically empowered grip of the identified ills.
Thirdly, activities that institute and deepen citizenship education across all levels of the curriculum. Young people must learn about the country’s values and history, all of it, in the most comprehensive way possible through history, civic education, and cultural and community exchanges.
The stronger sense of identity that young people develop when they have this knowledge is important for fueling patriotism and pride and, in some ways, incites a responsibility to uphold the values of their heroes or to do better by avoiding or correcting identified misdeeds.
Furthermore, activities that invest in young people’s capacities, networks, and partnerships. Education, industry, political empowerment, fellowships, scholarship, and sports are key pillars that automatically enable this. It is critical to provide funding and governance that will strengthen and continuously expand the capacities of these sectors.
Finally, activities that maximise the value of volunteerism and community service. Setting quality examples of public service and rewarding these values help create heroes. Our leaders must be prime examples of community-driven service and work to instil that consciousness in every Nigerian. We must encourage a community-first approach to development.
This is how to mobilise. For this mobilisation to be effective, the 2013 resolution of the United Nations General Assembly provides a thorough guideline: “… in consultation with youth-led organisations, to explore avenues to promote full, precise, structured, and sustainable participation of young people and youth-led organisations in decision-making processes.”
Four markers must be met. The design and execution of these activities must be full and not merely consultative, as is currently the case; they must be precise and specific to the challenges and context; they must be measurable, time-bound, process-led, and have identified actors and anchors; and finally, they must have the ability to generate support and momentum to continuously replicate.
When these are achieved, young people will gain more influence in society. This influence will give them more space to thrive. More space will strengthen their voice. A stronger voice will deepen their influence, and the cycle keeps reinforcing itself.
Echoing the words of the chairman of the Conference of State Youth Speakers in Nigeria, Toba Fatunla, “If you have not built us, you have no right to blame us.”
The burden of building falls first on the government; every other form of mobilisation can only be effective when built on this foundation. This is particularly important in light of the socio-political shifts happening nationally. If you are the head of a government at any level, a lawmaker, or a public servant, and desire to create a Nigeria we want—one that ensures security for every citizen—prioritising the above activities is a good place to start.
Mayowa Olajide Akinleye is the Impacts and Communications Assistant at PROMAD
This article is an excerpt from the fourth in a six-part series of public conversations on youth civic participation under “Accelerating Youth Civic Participation in the FCT.” A PROMAD Foundation project supported by LEAP Africa and funded by the Ford and MacArthur Foundations.
Feature/OPED
Investing in Women: A Catalyst for Change in Africa

Empowering women is about more than justice, gender equality and human rights. It is the most effective way to improve standards of living for entire communities – especially in emerging economies.
As the world marks International Women’s Day (IWD) this month, it is an ideal time to reflect on the value of empowering women for all of society – not to mention the next generation of women.
A report by the International Labour Organisation determined that, “at a basic level, women’s employment, paid and unpaid, may be the single most important factor for keeping many households out of poverty.”
This is because – as other studies have found – women are more likely than men to invest a large proportion of their income to educate their children. Therefore, as women enter the workforce in greater numbers and earn higher salaries, more is spent on children’s education, including girls’ education. This can then lead to an ongoing cycle of better education for future generations of women.
Pan-African entertainment group MultiChoice Africa is well positioned to support this process of empowering women through training in the media and entertainment sector.
The organisation has long shown a deep commitment to promoting diversity, and its preferential procurement policies are intentionally aimed at empowering women. MultiChoice Africa invests in building a gender-balanced workforce through strategic recruitment and people development – and this has borne fruit.
Today, the group provides entertainment and consumer services to 20.9m subscribers across sub-Saharan Africa. It produced 6 502 hours of local content last year, with more than 30 local content channels across 10 markets. The group has customers across 49 markets in sub-Saharan Africa and adjacent islands through DStv and GOtv, and its linear OTT service DStv Stream.
This continent-wide penetration has been achieved with a workforce made up of 48% women employees – up from 47% in 2023 – and 43% female representation in senior management positions.
MultiChoice spent ZAR90 million on the training and development of women staff in 2024 through initiatives like its Advancing Women Mentorship Programme. This initiative offers select groups of women the chance to attend masterclasses with executives, as well as networking sessions, mentorships and expert classes to enhance their technological and management skills.
In addition, since 2012, the MultiChoice Innovation Fund has disbursed ZAR407 million in loans, grants, and business-development expenses, specifically targeting black women and youth-owned businesses in fintech, edutech, healthtech, HR tech and media. To date, 77 black-owned small businesses with at least 50% female, black ownership have benefited, creating more than 1 400 jobs.
The empowerment of women is a direct, purposeful MultiChoice business strategy, brought to life through significant empowerment programmes and budget allocations.
Progress through storytelling
However, as Africa’s most-loved storyteller, MultiChoice Africa sees its fundamental role as being to entertain, inform and empower the African communities that inspire and build the company in return.
In fulfilling this purpose, it works to also empower women through the hyperlocal content it produces for markets across the continent.
In line with the goals of International Women’s Day, MultiChoice aims to achieve full gender equality in its industry, and on the African continent. Indeed, the group is well on the way to achieving that in its workforce and in its content strategy.
The MultiChoice approach is to ensure women have a voice in the media and entertainment industry. It is working to help them acquire the skills to express themselves creatively, and to inspire audiences of millions of African girls and young women.
A powerful platform for achieving this is through the MultiChoice Talent Factory (MTF) academies in three African capitals – Lusaka, Nairobi and Lagos. These institutions provide fully paid annual courses in the fundamentals of TV and filmmaking – everything from screenwriting to directing to sound engineering, editing and producing.
Half of the students intake are females, and their time at MTF sees them equipped to produce films of their own. Many young women filmmakers have produced highly impactful work that has premiered on MultiChoice platforms and won accolades at awards shows across the continent.
Their work is itself an expression of the IWD theme to “Accelerate Action” towards gender equality.
MultiChoice Africa platforms have achieved encouraging gender-transformation successes. The right inputs are being implemented, and they are generating the right outputs.
While more remains to be done right across society before full gender parity has been achieved, the media has shown itself to be a critical platform for shaping perceptions and encouraging change.
At MultiChoice Africa, women have found their voice. They are shaping Africa’s future. And they are doing that through the power of African storytelling.
Feature/OPED
The Challenge Facing 95% of IT Leaders as Regards AI Agents; How to Overcome it

By Linda Saunders
Generative AI has transformed how people interact with technology through prompts, and the next frontier promises an even greater impact. As organisations refine their AI strategies, we are witnessing the next chapter of work and the emergence of digital labour with agentic AI.
Since the launch of Chat GPT many business leaders focused on what they thought was the right topic – the Large Language Models ( LLMs). But these models are quickly becoming a commodity, as each one races to build the best for a specific use case.
To truly unlock value from AI, you need to focus on everything around the model such as the orchestration, the low code / no code approach to building and refining, the metadata framework and a data engine that compliments the data strategy. It’s this platform advantage that is seeing agents across the globe stand up and deliver value with real data, leveraging real integration in a few short weeks.
To unlock the action and value of generative AI requires a deeply integrated and connected platform with a one code base, but this takes significant time and money to build unless you have already been empowering your human employees on the Salesforce platform. Our platform leverages everything you have built to empower your digital workforce. Its a win-win where even for those who are not quite ready for a digital workforce – will be unlocking their ability to pivot to an agentic workforce with every flow, cloud, integration and build – Ultimately future proofing their business.
Agentic technology is a multi-trillion-dollar industry opportunity. The agentic enterprise will operate with unprecedented independence capable of responding to queries and handling complex tasks autonomously. This autonomy will optimise workflows, drive innovation, and break down barriers related to the need for continuous human intervention.
By 2028, Gartner predicts that 33% of enterprise software applications will include agentic AI, up from less than 1% in 2024, allowing 15% of day-to-day work decisions to be made autonomously.
Yet, AI agents are only as good as the data they have. They need connected data—both structured and unstructured—to understand user queries and make informed decisions. That’s where integration and APIs come in, building a solid foundation for these agents.
While 93% of IT leaders are either implementing or planning to implement AI agents within the next two years, they face significant integration challenges that hold back the full potential of these agents.
According to the latest MuleSoft Connectivity Benchmark Report, which surveyed more than 1,000 IT leaders globally, 95% struggle with data integration across systems. On average, only 29% of applications are connected, which really affects the accuracy and usefulness of AI agents.
The report found that, on average, enterprise organisations are using 897 applications, and those with AI agents are using even more—1,103 applications. 90% of IT leaders say data silos are creating business challenges.
The more applications and AI models there are, the harder it gets to integrate everything. Data silos make it even tougher, limiting agents’ access to the data they need and leading to less accurate and useful outputs.
Disconnected data also places major strain on IT resources. IT leaders are looking for ways to boost efficiency and productivity, but they expect their teams’ workload to increase in the next year. Balancing current capabilities with integrating AI agents across hundreds of unique applications while maintaining those systems, is a real challenge.
To unlock the full potential of AI agents, businesses need to align their integration and AI strategies. APIs and integration solutions can simplify and unify data infrastructure, allowing AI agents to access critical data and interact with existing systems and automations. This can significantly improve IT infrastructure, enable data sharing across teams, and integrate disparate systems.
Organisations that have successfully integrated their data and systems using APIs are reaping the rewards: increased productivity (49%), faster response to business needs (49%), and higher revenue generation (45%). On average, half of an organisation’s internal software assets and components are available for reuse, which means companies can leverage their existing investments, instead of starting from scratch.
The reliance on IT teams highlights the need for a clear automation strategy, along with robust governance and monitoring to ensure everything runs smoothly and securely.
A well-rounded automation strategy is crucial for integrating AI effectively, but many teams are still working on theirs. One key part of this strategy is making AI accessible to non-technical users, which is essential for broader adoption and creating a solid foundation for employees to build on, and this is where agents are changing the game.
Every company, team, and employee will soon have an agent. But how useful is a team of agents if they can’t interact with other systems or agents to coordinate and take action across the entire business? AI must have a smooth handoff to a human, and if that transition isn’t well-coordinated and seamless, any benefits are quickly undone
As AI, integration, automation, and API use continue to drive transformation and performance, organisations that invest in these technologies to harness unlimited digital labour are best placed to stay agile, efficient, and ultimately succeed.
Linda Saunders is the country leader and senior director solutions engineering Africa at Salesforce
Feature/OPED
Beyond the Grip of Godfathers in Nigeria’s Politics

By Kayode Awojobi
Democracy, by its very definition, is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. It is a system built on the principles of popular participation, accountability, and governance that reflects the collective will of the electorate.
However, in Nigeria, democracy often takes on a different meaning—one in which a few powerful individuals wield enormous influence over the political process. This phenomenon, commonly referred to as godfatherism, has become an entrenched feature of the country’s political landscape.
The role of political godfathers in Nigeria is complex and often divisive. While some view them as experienced mentors who provide guidance and structure within the political system, others see them as power brokers who prioritize personal gain over the collective good.
Godfathers serve as kingmakers, using their resources and influence to propel candidates into office. Yet, once these candidates assume power, they are often expected to remain loyal to their benefactors, a reality that frequently leads to governance dictated by the interests of a select few rather than the needs of the people.
The influence of godfatherism is not an abstract concept but a lived reality that has shaped political developments in several states across Nigeria.
In Osun State, for instance, the fallout between former Governor Gboyega Oyetola and his predecessor, Rauf Aregbesola, underscored the fragile nature of godfather-protégé relationships.
Initially handpicked as a successor, Oyetola later distanced himself from Aregbesola’s influence, leading to a fierce political battle that ultimately contributed to his loss at the polls.
Similarly, in Oyo State, Governor Seyi Makinde has had to navigate tensions within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where certain political figures who played a role in his rise to power later accused him of abandoning party structures.
Perhaps one of the most well-documented cases of political godfatherism in recent years was the dramatic conflict in Edo State between Governor Godwin Obaseki and his former benefactor, Adams Oshiomhole.
Oshiomhole, who had championed Obaseki’s election in 2016, later fell out with him over governance and party control. This dispute culminated in Obaseki’s disqualification from seeking re-election under the All Progressives Congress (APC), forcing him to defect to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where he secured a second term in office. The episode highlighted the extent to which political godfathers expect loyalty from those they help install, often leading to bitter confrontations when protégés seek independence.
In Rivers State, a similar dynamic is playing out between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike.
Wike, whose influence was instrumental in Fubara’s emergence as governor, has been accused of attempting to control the new administration from behind the scenes. The power struggle has resulted in political unrest, including an attempt to impeach Fubara and the defection of several lawmakers loyal to Wike.
The situation escalated to the point where President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending Governor Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu, and all elected members of the state House of Assembly for six months. Retired Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas was appointed as the state’s administrator to oversee governance.
This further reinforces the argument that political godfathers, rather than serving as stabilizing forces in governance, often become sources of crisis when their influence is challenged.
To be sure, political mentorship is not inherently a negative concept. In well-functioning democracies, experienced politicians often guide emerging leaders, offering advice and leveraging their networks to ensure effective governance.
However, the Nigerian brand of godfatherism is rarely about mentorship in the true sense of the word. Instead, it is largely about control, an arrangement where those who ascend to political office must remain subservient to their benefactors. This practice undermines democracy by limiting political choices, suppressing independent leadership, and reducing accountability to the electorate.
The continued dominance of godfathers in Nigerian politics raises a critical question: should a few individuals determine the fate of millions, or should the democratic process be allowed to run its course?
Proponents of godfatherism argue that it provides stability, ensures continuity, and helps navigate the complex terrain of Nigerian politics. They contend that without the financial and structural backing of political godfathers, many candidates, especially those without deep pockets, would struggle to compete in elections. In this sense, godfatherism is viewed as a necessary evil in a system where political survival often depends on strong backing.
On the other hand, critics argue that the culture of godfatherism erodes the foundations of democracy, replacing meritocracy with patronage. When candidates owe their political success to an individual rather than the electorate, they are more likely to prioritize the interests of their benefactor over those of the people.
This reality has played out time and again, with governors and other public officials making appointments and policy decisions that serve their godfathers rather than their constituents. The result is governance that is often disconnected from the real needs of the populace.
If Nigeria’s democracy is to mature, there must be a shift from the current model of political patronage to one that prioritizes competence, transparency, and true service to the people. The electorate must become more discerning, resisting the imposition of candidates whose loyalty lies elsewhere. Political parties, too, must work toward greater internal democracy, ensuring that primaries and candidate selections are based on merit rather than the dictates of a few powerful individuals.
The experiences of other nations provide valuable lessons. In South Africa, Nelson Mandela, despite his towering influence, stepped aside to allow new leaders to emerge, ensuring that democracy remained intact beyond his tenure. In the United States, political mentorship exists, but power is not concentrated in the hands of a select few who dictate governance from behind the scenes. These examples suggest that it is possible to balance political influence with democratic principles.
Nigerian political godfathers must rethink their roles. Rather than seeing themselves as puppet masters, they should position themselves as genuine mentors, guiding younger politicians without stifling their independence. They should invest in institutions rather than individuals, ensuring that governance structures remain strong regardless of who is in power.
Ultimately, the power to end the stranglehold of godfatherism lies with the people. The electorate must recognize that their votes are their most potent tool for shaping the future of governance. If voters reject candidates imposed by godfathers and insist on accountability, the culture of political subservience will gradually diminish. Democracy thrives when the will of the people is supreme, not when a handful of individuals determine the political direction of an entire nation.
As Nigeria looks toward future elections, the conversation around godfatherism must shift. It is time to move beyond the era of political overlords dictating governance from the shadows.
The country must embrace a system where leadership is earned, not handed down; where politicians serve the people, not a select few; and where democracy is truly of the people, by the people, and for the people.
Kayode Awojobi is a multiple award-winning broadcast journalist, social and political commentator. He writes from Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State
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