Feature/OPED
Subsidy Removal: Poor Approach Worsening Shocks in Nigeria, a Comparative Study of Nigeria and India
By Peace Otonihu
The removal of fuel subsidies has been a recurring policy issue for many countries, including Nigeria and India. While both nations face similar challenges in the petroleum sector, their approaches to fuel subsidy reforms differ significantly.
In a newsletter published by Outlook Planet and updated in November 2024, India has since 2010 had a “fossil fuel subsidy policy” which has undergone several reforms since then. However, in Nigeria, the subsidy was removed through the president’s inaugural speech where he announced that “Subsidy is Gone!”.
This announcement since May 2023 has led to a surge in the price of petrol nationwide, an increase in the cost of goods and services as well as other ripple effects on the economy being a resource-dependent economy, without clear policy frameworks to mitigate the impact. In contrast, India’s gradual and research-driven approach to subsidy removal offers lessons in strategic planning and implementation that can be beneficial to consider.
The Background of Fuel Subsidies in Nigeria
A simplified definition of fuel subsidy is the portion of the total fuel price paid for by the government on behalf of its citizens. According to Zinami (2024), Fuel subsidies in Nigeria date back to the 1970s when they were introduced to reduce the burden of fuel costs on citizens.
They became institutionalized in 1977 under the Price Control Act promulgated by the military regime of Olusegun Obasanjo, which regulated prices of essential items, including fuel. Over the decades, subsidies grew to cover a significant portion of government expenditures.
By 2013, Nigeria was listed among the top 20 countries subsidizing fuel consumption, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA) as cited in (Soile & MU, 2015). Despite being one of Africa’s leading oil producers, Nigeria’s inability to maintain functional refineries forced it to rely heavily on imported refined petroleum products. This paradox has made subsidies unsustainable, leading to mounting fiscal pressures and limited development benefits.
In May 2023, President Bola Tinubu’s inaugural speech led to the abrupt removal of fuel subsidy triggered an immediate spike in petrol prices and a ripple effect on goods and services, reflecting Nigeria’s heavy reliance on petroleum for economic activity. A public announcement during an inaugural speech alone does not constitute a comprehensive fuel subsidy reform. India has faced challenges in the petroleum sector similar to those in Nigeria. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration (“EIA”) 2022, India was the world’s third-largest energy consumer, following China and the United States, as of 2021.
The increasing demand for petroleum products, driven by economic growth, has been compounded by limited domestic production capacity, necessitating fuel imports. Like Nigeria, India has historically seen substantial government involvement in its petroleum sector.
In Nigeria, the most notable reform following the removal of the fuel subsidy is the reallocation of funds previously used for subsidies to sectors such as public infrastructure, education, healthcare, and job creation—areas intended to improve the lives of millions.
It is interesting to note that prior to President Tinubu’s inauguration, the Nigerian government spent approximately ₦400 billion (around $500 million) per month on subsidizing petroleum imports, as noted by Mele Kyari, the CEO of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), which is authorized to operate in Nigeria’s oil sector.
While redirecting these funds could theoretically represent a significant reform, its effectiveness remains uncertain if the impacts are not clear, and neither do they directly improve the standard of living or the cost of living of Nigerians who have to bear the brunt of subsidy removal.
For example, the 2024 budget allocated ₦1.54 trillion to the education sector, representing only 6.39% of the total budget. There was no notable increase in the education budget when compared with previous years which shows the rechannelling of fuel subsidy funds. This limited visible improvement suggests a lack of proper planning and insufficient research into the specific needs of Nigerians.
However, unlike Nigeria, India’s fuel subsidy reforms were guided by a thorough assessment of cost-benefit analyses and economic impacts, resulting in more effective outcomes for its economy. In India, fuel subsidy reforms were shaped by the work of government-appointed committees conducting extensive research and analysis.
Through these reform initiatives, India significantly reduced its fuel subsidy burden from $24.6 billion in 2013 to just $1.16 billion in 2017—a remarkable 95.28% decrease. This was achieved by deregulating the prices of LPG, DPK, and AGO, illustrating the importance of systematic and research-driven reform strategies.
India’s Fuel Subsidy Reforms: A Gradual and Comprehensive Approach
India has pursued fuel subsidy reforms through a gradual, well-planned, and research-driven process since 2010. Ranking as the third-largest energy consumer in the world after China and the United States, India faced challenges like Nigeria, such as growing demand for petroleum products, heavy government involvement in the energy sector, and limited domestic production capacity necessitating fuel imports.
To address these challenges, India formed multiple expert committees to guide subsidy reform policies:
- Rangarajan Committee Report (2006) – Recommended the use of global market prices to determine the market price for petrol and diesel in the country while limiting subsidized kerosene to families below-poverty-line (“BPL”) and increasing retail prices for LPG.
- Parikh Committee Report (2010): Advocated for complete liberalization of petrol and diesel prices at both the refinery and retail levels, targeting subsidized public distribution system (“PDS”) kerosene for households below-poverty-line with annual price increases tied to agricultural Gross Domestic Product (“GDP”) growth, kerosene sold outside the subsidized public distribution system was set close to the price of diesel, annual quantity limit of six 14.2 kg cylinders on subsidized LPG for each household, and using direct cash transfers or quantity rationing for subsidized LPG.
- Nilekani Task Force Interim Report (2011) – Recommended replacing in-kind fuel and fertilizer subsidies with direct cash transfers using the Unique identification (“UID”) system to reduce fiscal costs by eliminating duplication and ghost beneficiaries.
- Kelkar Committee Report (2012) – Outlined a fiscal consolidation plan involving phased elimination of diesel subsidies over two years, full deregulation by 2014, gradual removal of LPG subsidies over three years, and a one-third reduction in politically sensitive kerosene subsidies within the same timeframe.
These reforms significantly reduced India’s fuel subsidy burden from $24.6 billion in 2013 to just $1.16 billion by 2017—a decrease of over 95%. This achievement was facilitated by deregulating LPG, kerosene, and automotive gas oil prices, adopting direct cash transfers, and targeting subsidies only to vulnerable populations.
Key Lessons for Nigeria from India’s Reforms
India’s approach underscores several key elements that Nigeria could adopt to make subsidy reforms more effective:
- Research-Based Policy Formulation: India’s reforms were guided by thorough research and committee recommendations. By contrast, Nigeria’s abrupt announcement lacked a well-defined policy framework, creating economic shockwaves without providing adequate support mechanisms for affected populations.
- Targeted Support Measures: India implemented targeted subsidies for vulnerable populations and used direct cash transfers to eliminate waste and duplication. In Nigeria, the promise to redirect subsidy savings toward social sectors like education and healthcare has not translated into visible improvements, hence, there is need for better-targeted and transparent support mechanisms.
- Gradual Phasing-Out: The gradual removal of subsidies in India allowed time for the economy to adjust. Nigeria’s sudden subsidy removal led to a surge in fuel prices and widespread economic distress. A phased approach, with well-planned timelines and support measures, could have mitigated the shock.
- Public Consultation and Transparency: India’s reforms involved extensive consultations with stakeholders, enhancing public understanding and acceptance. Nigeria’s unilateral decision-making process limited public buy-in, leading to widespread dissatisfaction.
The Way Forward for Nigeria
For Nigeria, merely redirecting funds from subsidies to infrastructure, education, and healthcare is insufficient if the impact is not measurable or transformative. Effective reform requires clear policies, transparency, and targeted initiatives to ensure that savings translate into tangible benefits. Learning from India, Nigeria should focus on:
- Enhanced transparency and accountability to track and measure the impact of redirected funds.
- Support mechanisms such as direct cash transfers or targeted subsidies to shield vulnerable populations.
- Comprehensive planning and phased implementation to minimize economic shocks.
- Stakeholder consultations to build public support and ensure policy acceptance.
Conclusion
India’s experience with fuel subsidy reforms demonstrates that effective policy changes require a structured approach involving research, planning, public consultation, and targeted social programs. While Nigeria’s recent subsidy removal represents a necessary step toward fiscal stability, the lack of a comprehensive policy framework undermines its potential benefits. In contrast, India’s reforms led to measurable improvements that directly impacted the country’s economy. Through extensive consultation, policy formulation, and research, the Indian government increased access to clean cooking solutions for the rural poor through subsidized LPG. Additionally, direct cash transfers to low-income households helped mitigate the negative effects of subsidy removal, while deregulation allowed oil companies to operate more freely, boosting revenue generation.
This contrast between India’s carefully planned, research-driven reforms and Nigeria’s fewer tangible outcomes highlights the importance of adopting a more structured approach in Nigeria. By doing so, Nigeria can achieve meaningful reforms that balance fiscal responsibility with social equity, ultimately leading to sustainable development and improved well-being for its citizens.
Peace Otonihu is a seasoned investment banking analyst at a top-tier investment bank in Africa. Her expertise lies in policy analysis, financial advisory, project and development finance, focusing on critical sectors such as oil and gas, energy, mining, transportation, and infrastructure. She is a political scientist, policy analyst, and researcher having co-authoured a research publication in a reputable journal while also exploring medium.
She is a certified chartered accountant from the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), with keen interest in public policy analysis, public-private partnerships, financial advisory and developing infrastructure projects. She was also a Pioneer student of the School of Politics, Policy and Governance, an unconventional school of politics designed to produce a new generation of political leaders.
Feature/OPED
Preventing Financial Crimes Amid Mounting Insecurity: Why Following the Money is Now a Survival Imperative
By Blaise Udunze
Nigeria today faces a sobering dual reality: a deepening security crisis and an entrenched financial-crime ecosystem that quietly feeds, sustains, and normalises that crisis. Across the North, Middle Belt, and parts of the South, kidnappers, bandits, insurgent cells, political actors, compromised security agents, and a complex chain of financial facilitators operate within a shadow economy of violence, one that generates billions, claims thousands of lives, and steadily erodes the authority of the state.
For over a decade, security experts and Nigeria’s international partners have warned that no meaningful progress will be made against insecurity unless the financial oxygen sustaining violence is cut off. Yet the country continues to prosecute its anti-terrorism efforts largely through military responses, as though the conflict could be resolved solely on the battlefield. What remains missing is a decisive, transparent, and politically courageous confrontation with the economic networks that make insecurity profitable.
This war is not only about guns and bullets. It is about money.
Money moves fighters.
Money buys weapons.
Money fuels political desperation.
Money underwrites chaos.
Until Nigeria addresses the financial pipelines behind its insecurity, the crisis will continue to reproduce itself.
Kidnapping: The Lucrative ‘War Fund’ Sustaining Insurgency
The rise in mass kidnappings is neither accidental nor spontaneous. It has evolved into a rational, structured, revenue-generating enterprise.
Appearing on Channels TV’s Politics Today in October 2025, Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed warned that insurgent and bandit groups now treat ransom payments as reliable “war funds.” The data support his claim.
A 2024 survey by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) found that Nigerians paid N2.2 trillion in ransom between May 2023 and April 2024. This astonishing sum does not account for unreported payments made through informal negotiators, mobile transfers, or unregulated community channels.
Kidnapping has matured into a fully formed economy with well-defined roles: negotiators, informants, logistics providers, cash couriers, and security collaborators. Proceeds are reinvested in weapons, motorcycles, communication devices, safe houses, and even land acquisitions.
In the words of a security analyst, “Every successful kidnapping is a fundraiser.”
Sabotage from Within: Keffi’s Explosive Memo and a System Built to Fail
If Nigeria’s external security threats are troubling, the internal compromises are even more alarming.
A leaked memo by Major General Mohammed Ali Keffi accused senior government and military officials of diverting billions of naira earmarked for arms procurement under former Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai. Keffi’s allegations included:
– Weapons paid for but never delivered
– Falsified battlefield reports
– Civilian casualties mislabelled to justify inflated expenditures
– Political interference obstructing investigations into terror financing
His claims echoed the earlier warning by Gen. T.Y. Danjuma, who accused sections of the military of working in concert with armed groups and abandoning vulnerable communities.
Keffi’s memo became even more consequential following the 2025 detention of former Attorney General Abubakar Malami by the EFCC over allegations of money laundering, terrorism financing and suspicious financial activity linked to 46 bank accounts.
Together, these revelations paint a disturbing picture: even as Nigerians endure mass abductions, elements within the political and security elite appear to be enabling or shielding the financial networks behind the violence.
Why the Crisis Persists: A Financial Crime Lens
Nigeria’s insecurity cannot be divorced from the environment in which illicit finance thrives. Key enablers include:
- Informal Economies and Unregulated Cash Flows
With over 70 percent of rural transactions still cash-based, terror groups exploit:
– Hawala networks
– POS and mobile-money agents
– Cattle markets and mining sites
– Barter systems centred on livestock and grains
These channels operate beyond the reach of AML/CFT systems.
- Identity Fraud and Weak KYC Enforcement
– Criminal networks routinely open accounts with:
– Fake NINs
– Compromised SIM cards
– Recycled BVNs
– Mule identities
- Collusion within Financial Institutions
The EFCC estimates that up to 70 percent of financial crimes involve bank personnel, primarily through:
– Unauthorised cash withdrawals
– Suppressed Suspicious Transaction Reports (STRs)
– Manipulated internal alerts
- Weak Prosecution and Political Interference
Cases drag on for years, and many evaporate entirely before reaching court often due to political considerations.
- Ungoverned Spaces
Large territories across the North serve as hubs for:
– Arms trafficking
– Illegal mining
– Kidnap-for-ransom camps
– Cross-border smuggling
Public Patience Thins: NLC Moves to the Streets
Public frustration is reaching a boiling point. On December 10, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) announced a nationwide protest scheduled for December 17, citing the “degenerating security situation” and the rise in mass abductions.
The NLC condemned the November 17 abduction of female students in Kebbi, noting that security personnel had been withdrawn from the school shortly before the attack. The union called the act “dastardly and criminal” and directed all affiliates and civil-society partners to fully mobilise for the protest.
This marks a significant shift. For the first time in years, Nigeria’s most influential labour body is placing insecurity at the centre of national mobilization, further underscoring the argument that the current crisis is not simply a security failure but a systemic breakdown of governance, accountability, and financial integrity.
The Financial Engine of Terror: The 23 Suspects Who Moved Billions
A Sahara Reporters investigation uncovered a network of 20 Nigerians and three foreign nationals allegedly linked to the financing of Boko Haram and ISWAP. Their transactions, running into hundreds of billions, were quietly channeled through personal and corporate accounts.
Among those named:
– Alhaji Saidu Ahmed, Zaria businessman: N4.8bn inflows
– Usaini Adamu, Kano trader with 111 accounts: N43bn inflows, N50bn outflows
– Muhammad Sani Adam, forex and precious stones dealer: N54bn across 41 accounts
– Yusuf Ghazali, a forex trader linked to UAE-convicted terrorists, operated 385 accounts
– Ladan Ibrahim, a Sokoto official, is accused of diverting public funds
– Foreign actors included the late Tribert Ayabatwa (N67bn inflows) and Nigerien arms dealer Aboubacar Hima, who moved over $1.19 million.
Strikingly, several of the suspects arrested in 2021 were quietly released without trial, continuing a pattern of impervious investigations and political bottlenecks.
This network confirms a painful truth: Nigeria’s insecurity is not driven solely by men wielding rifles in the bush. It is sustained by individuals in cities, businesses, and bureaucracies, people with access, influence, and remarkable financial mobility.
The Political Dimension: Irabor’s Revelation and the Unnamed Sponsors
The political undertone of Nigeria’s insecurity was reinforced by the former Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Lucky Irabor (rtd), who admitted that politicians were among those financing terror groups. According to him, some trials were conducted “away from public consumption.”
His statement revived key questions:
– Why is the state shielding the identities of terror sponsors?
– Who benefits from the secrecy?
– What political consequences are being avoided?
Security sources told TruthNigeria that Nigeria’s published list of 19 terror financiers in 2024 represented only a fraction of the full network.
Baba-Ahmed’s accusation that former Kaduna Governor Nasir El-Rufai was part of the political forces that aggravated Northern insecurity, an accusation the former governor has previously denied, adds further urgency to demands for transparency.
The Human Cost: Expanding Killing Fields
Despite repeated assurances, violence continues to spread:
– 303 students and 12 teachers abducted in Niger State
– 38 worshippers kidnapped in Kwara
– Simultaneous raids across Plateau, Kaduna, Benue, and Niger
– Whole communities uprooted by weekly attacks
As Amnesty International observed, “In many rural communities, only the graveyards are expanding.”
SBM Intelligence now describes large portions of the North as “open killing fields,” areas where the state’s influence has collapsed, and community vigilantes have become the default security providers.
Expert Voices: Why Nigeria Must Finally Follow the Money
Security experts converge on a single message: Nigeria cannot defeat terrorism without dismantling its financial infrastructure. Dr. Friday Agbo, a security researcher, disclosed, “Terror groups survive because their financial lifelines remain untouched.”
Jonathan Asake, analyst and former SOKAPU president, said, “Publish the full Dubai list. Without transparency, impunity will remain the norm.”
Gen. Irabor (rtd.) revealed, “There are politicians involved. The conflict is multi-layered: ideology, criminality, and political manipulation.”
These assessments underscore one reality: ideology is secondary. Money is primary. It is the oxygen of Nigeria’s terror landscape.
What Must Change
Nigeria must elevate financial crime to the level of a national-security emergency. Key reforms include:
– Integrating BVN-NIN-SIM identity databases and upgrading real-time monitoring
– Targeting illicit markets: illegal mining hubs, cattle markets, unregulated border posts
– Deploying AI-driven analytics to detect layered transactions, mule networks, and ransom flows
– Strengthening bank compliance units and protecting whistleblowers
– Improving inter-agency intelligence sharing (EFCC, NFIU, DSS, NDLEA, Police, CBN)
– Criminalising unexplained wealth, especially in conflict zones
– Investing in safe-school infrastructure, rural policing, and local reporting channels
Choosing Truth Over Convenience
Nigeria’s two-front war is neither mysterious nor new. It is a well-documented, financially engineered crisis protected by silence, vested interests, and institutional decay. The NLC’s mobilisation signals a turning point; citizens are unwilling to accept official evasions while insecurity intensifies. To end this crisis, Nigeria must:
– Expose and prosecute terror financiers
– Purge corrupt insiders in the security system
– Dismantle ransom economies
– Strengthen financial intelligence
– End political protection for criminal networks
Until these reforms are pursued with integrity, billions will continue to move, weapons will continue to flow, and Nigeria will continue to bleed.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Championing Ethical Sourcing Within Dairy Communities
Human Rights Day often centres on themes of dignity, equity, and freedom. Yet for many Nigerians, these rights are not debated in courtrooms they are expressed in the ability to access nutritious food, build meaningful livelihoods, and secure a healthy future for their families. Nutrition, in this sense, becomes a fundamental human right.
Despite a growing population and rising nutrition needs, Nigeria faces a pressing dairy reality. The country remains heavily dependent on dairy imports, leaving nutritional access vulnerable and local capacity underdeveloped. This is not just an economic concern; it is a human one. When families cannot easily access affordable, high-quality dairy, the foundations of health and development are weakened.
It is within this context that Arla Nigeria operates not merely as a dairy company, but as a nutrition powerhouse committed to nourishing a nation. Our ambition extends beyond selling products. We are working to build the foundations of a stronger, more resilient local dairy sector that supports food security, economic participation, and national progress.
At the heart of our efforts is the Damau Integrated Dairy Farm in Kaduna Statea fully operational modern farm designed to demonstrate what responsible, efficient, and scalable dairy production can look like in Nigeria. Arla Nigeria produces its own milk on-site, ensuring quality, safety, and consistency as we continue building the systems required for a sustainable local value chain. In fact, until our yoghurt factory launches, the reverse is true: some stakeholders purchase milk from us.
But infrastructure alone is not the story. What truly matters is the human impact surrounding the farm.
Arla Nigeria has been intentional about engaging and empowering the communities around Damau. By creating employment opportunities for local residents, providing skills development, and contributing to community growth, we are ensuring that the benefits of dairy development extend beyond production lines. This is development rooted in people where progress is measured in livelihoods improved and opportunities created.
As Arla Nigeria continues to expand operations, our long-term commitment remains clear: to contribute meaningfully to local milk sourcing and value chain development, strengthening Nigeria’s capacity to feed itself. Backward integration is not a slogan for Arla Foods; it is a structured pathway with building responsibly and sustainably. From farm systems to future household milk initiatives, the goal is to create a model that supports farmers, enhances productivity, and drives economic inclusion in the years ahead.
On Human Rights Day, the conversation often revolves around preventing harm avoiding exploitation, ensuring fair labour, and upholding ethical standards. These are essential, but they are only the beginning. True respect for human rights means creating enabling systems that allow people to thrive.
With Arla Foods, that begins with nutrition. Milk is a super food, rich in essential nutrients that support growth and development. Ensuring access to such nutrition contributes directly to national well-being and productivity. When we help secure a healthier population, we strengthen the foundation for education, economic participation, and long-term prosperity.
This is why Arla believes that dairy is not just food it is nutrition, livelihood, and progress. By investing in sustainable production, community development, and future local sourcing capabilities, Arla Nigeria is contributing to food security and economic growth in a tangible, measurable way.
Ultimately, ethical business is not defined by corporate language or labels. It is defined by the stability, nourishment, and dignity it brings to people’s lives. As Nigeria celebrates Human Rights Day, let us recognise that the right to nutrition and the opportunity to build a better future are among the most powerful rights we can help protect.
Feature/OPED
In Praise of Nigeria’s Elite Memory Loss Clinic
By Busayo Cole
There’s an unacknowledged marvel in Nigeria, a national institution so revered and influential that its very mention invokes awe; and not a small dose of amnesia. I’m speaking, of course, about the glorious Memory Loss Clinic for the Elite, a facility where unsolved corruption cases go to receive a lifetime membership in our collective oblivion.
Take a walk down the memory lane of scandals past, and you’ll encounter a magical fog. Who remembers the details of the N2.5 billion pension fund scam? Anyone? No? Good. That’s exactly how the clinic works. Through a combination of political gymnastics, endless court adjournments, and public desensitisation, these cases are carefully wrapped in a blanket of vagueness. Brilliant, isn’t it?
The beauty of this clinic lies in its inclusivity. From the infamous Dasukigate, which popularised the phrase “arms deal” in Nigeria without actually arming anything, to the less publicised but equally mystifying NDDC palliative fund saga, the clinic accepts all cases with the same efficiency. Once enrolled, each scandal receives a standard treatment: strategic denial, temporary outrage, and finally, oblivion.
Not to be overlooked are the esteemed practitioners at this clinic: our very own politicians and public officials. Their commitment to forgetting is nothing short of Nobel-worthy. Have you noticed how effortlessly some officials transition from answering allegations one week to delivering keynote speeches on accountability the next? It’s an art form.
Then there’s the media, always ready to lend a hand. Investigative journalists dig up cases, splash them across headlines for a week or two, and then move on to the next crisis, leaving the current scandal to the skilled hands of the clinic’s erasure team. No one does closure better than us. Or rather, the lack thereof.
And let’s not forget the loyal citizens, the true heroes of this operation. We rant on social media, organise a protest or two, and then poof! Our collective short attention span is the lifeblood of the Memory Loss Clinic. Why insist on justice when you can unlook?
Take, for example, the Halliburton Scandal. In 2009, a Board of Inquiry was established under the leadership of Inspector-General of Police, Mike Okiro, to investigate allegations of a $182 million bribery scheme involving the American company Halliburton and some former Nigerian Heads of State. Despite Halliburton admitting to paying the bribes to secure a $6 billion contract for a natural gas plant, the case remains unresolved. The United States fined the companies involved, but in Nigeria, the victims of the corruption: ordinary citizens, received no compensation, and no one was brought to justice. The investigation, it seems, was yet another patient admitted to the clinic.
Or consider the Petroleum Trust Fund Probe, which unraveled in the late 1990s. Established during General Sani Abacha’s regime and managed by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, the PTF’s operations were scrutinised when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo assumed office in 1999. The winding-down process uncovered allegations of mismanagement, dubious dealings, and a sudden, dramatic death of a key figure, Salihijo Ahmad, the head of the PTF’s sole management consultant. Despite the drama and the revelations, the case quietly faded into obscurity, leaving Nigerians with more questions than answers.
Then there is the colossal case of under-remittance of oil and gas royalties and taxes. The Federal Government, through the Special Presidential Investigatory Panel (SPIP), accused oil giants like Shell, Agip, and the NNPC of diverting billions of dollars meant for public coffers. Allegations ranged from falsified production figures to outright embezzlement. Despite detailed accusations and court proceedings, the cases were abandoned after the SPIP’s disbandment in 2019. As usual, the trail of accountability disappeared into thin air, leaving the funds unaccounted for and the public betrayed yet again.
Of course, this institution isn’t without its critics. Some stubborn Nigerians still insist on remembering. Creating spreadsheets, tracking cases, and daring to demand accountability. To these radicals, I say: why fight the tide? Embrace the convenience of selective amnesia. Life is easier when you don’t worry about where billions disappeared to or why someone’s cousin’s uncle’s housemaid’s driver has an oil block.
As World Anti-Corruption Day comes and goes, let us celebrate the true innovation of our time. While other nations are busy prosecuting offenders and recovering stolen funds, we have mastered the fine art of forgetting. Who needs convictions when you have a clinic this efficient? Oh, I almost forgot the anti-corruption day as I sent my draft to a correspondent very late. Don’t blame me, I am just a regular at the clinic.
So, here’s to Nigeria’s Memory Loss Clinic, a shining beacon of how to “move on” without actually moving forward. May it continue to thrive, because let’s face it: without it, what would we do with all these unsolved corruption cases? Demand justice? That’s asking a lot. Better to forget and focus on the next election season. Who knows? We might even re-elect a client of the clinic. Wouldn’t that be poetic?
Now, if you’ll excuse me, I have a new scandal to ignore.
Busayo Cole is a Branding and Communications Manager who transforms abstract corporate goals into actionable, sparkling messaging. It’s rumored that 90% of his strategic clarity is powered by triple-shot espresso, and the remaining 10% is sheer panic. He can be reached via busayo@busayocole.com.
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