Feature/OPED
The Inefficiency of Fighting Insecurity Without State Police
By Jerome-Mario Utomi
From the dripping political and socioeconomic events in the country, it is abundantly obvious that the defective nature of the nation’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) that has discouraged and crippled development in the country is responsible for the mirage of problems confronting the nation.
Its weak provisions have more than anything else conspired with other socioeconomic challenges to make it possible for us as a nation to keep ‘‘doing the same thing over and over again and expects a different result.”
Take as an instance, when one takes a cursory look at insecurity in the country which includes but not limited to banditry, armed robbery, kidnapping among others, two things stand out. First, it did not start in the country under the present administration.
Remember the kidnap of Chibok schoolgirls on April 14, 2014. But it assumed a large scale shape under the present federal government.
Remember also the kidnap of the University of Maiduguri lecturers in July 2017, the kidnap of six aid workers on July 18, 2019, the Kankara schoolboys kidnap on December 11, 2020, among others.
Secondly, and more painful is the awareness that the present administration is still in the habit of tackling the challenge which has morphed to the ‘next level’ with the same thinking used when they were created.
Without a doubt, the painful part of the present discourse is that a peep into the present federal government (executive and legislative) will reveal that it is arguably gifted with the best trained and most highly skilled in various areas of endeavour.
Yet, they have been able to recognize that ‘extraordinary conditions call for extraordinary remedies” or figure out what their real responsibilities are so as to go ahead and perform it in ways that enhance the life chances of Nigerians.
This failure is most visible in their inability to understand why banditry is on the increase, why the existing police system no longer supports the original roadmap for crime control.
Such failure is exacerbated by the utter lack of political will to challenge the basic assumptions in the nation’s constitution in order to see why the creation of state police has become the only way to fighting criminality not just in Nigeria but across the globe.
Aside from the new awareness that globally, leadership/governance can no longer be viewed in a unitary way as such thinking is both old school and out-fashioned.
If objective analysis can replace emotional discussion regarding state police, it is glaring that there are no federal police or state police models, but there are fundamental differences between the two. While cultural and geographical homogeneity which are strong factors and advantages of state policing are lost in federal policing, state police depend on these factors and more such as historical and friendship to keep the society orderly and without anarchy. This value no doubt makes a productive policing without disorder and state governments have the capacity to fulfil this obligation.
To further arrive at the answer, one will again recognize that President Muhammadu Buhari is aware of this claim. The facts are there.
In August 2019, while he played host to the traditional rulers from the northern part of the country led by the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar III, at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, Mr President, going by reports stated that; “the ongoing reform of the police would include recruitment of more hands, cultivation of stronger local intelligence and networking with communities, traditional rulers and adequate training.
“This in specific terms will include recruiting more police officers from their local government areas, where they would then be stationed in the best traditions of policing worldwide.
“Working with the state governments; we intend to improve the equipping of the police force with advanced technology and equipment that can facilitate their work.”
From the virtues and attributes of his speech, he did not only underline the importance of but underscores the virtues and attribute of recruiting more police officers from their local government areas, where they would then be stationed in the best traditions of policing worldwide.
Precisely, this form of security design is what the pro-state police and nations’ restructuring advocates’ demands. Particularly as it is obvious that the vast majority of states can afford to equip their officers with the sophisticated security gadgets Mr President listed above.
The next question is; having seen the usefulness of recruiting, and allowing officer’s work in their familiar environments, what alternative is opened to the nation?
In my views, there is no alternative to having a state police that is adequately equipped and completely answerable and controlled by the state governors.
In fact, there are two major reasons that are President Buhari-specific to why the constitution urgently needs to be amended to accommodate state police.
First is that during his campaign in 2015, he promised to “initiate action to amend the Nigerian Constitution with a view to devolving powers, duties, and responsibilities to states in order to entrench true federalism and the federal spirit” notable Nigerians,.
The second and very fundamental is that on Monday 1, January 2018, Mr President among other things noted that ‘no human law or edifice is perfect, whatever structure we develop must periodically be perfected according to the changing circumstances and the country’s socio-economic developments.
From the above realities, nation restructuring vis-a -vis state police should be viewed as those structures that must periodically be perfected according to the changing circumstances and the country’s socio-economic developments.
Certainly, if providing adequate security for the masses is the government priority, it should be the collective responsibility of the country’s citizens to contribute to the success of the process.
What the masses are saying and wanting in my understanding is that the padding of the second schedule of the exclusive legislative list, of our 1999 constitution with about 68 items has made Abuja suffer ‘political obesity’ and need to shed some weight via power devolution.
As noted in my previous intervention, the over blotted exclusive list has made our nation to currently stand in an inverted pyramid shape with more power concentrated at the top and the base not formidable enough making collapse inevitable if urgent and fundamental steps are not taken.
What the proponents of state police/restructuring are saying is that majority of the items are too trivial for the federal government to handle and should serve the greater good of the people if left in the hands of both the state and the local government.
This is the hub of the masses expectation. Items such as police and some government security services, mines and minerals; including oil fields, oil mining geological surveys, control of parks, stamp duties, public holidays, taxation of incomes, profits and capital gains, and insurance among others to my mind should find their ways back to the states and the local councils.
Above all, while we keep in mind these lessons learned from our nation’s politicization of law enforcement, and think about the broader threat of insecurity in the country which has obviously become a reality to worry about, I must quickly conclude that as a nation, we will be sadly mistaken if we feel that the nation will defeat criminal activities without state police.
Jerome-Mario Utomi is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Policy), Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), Lagos. He could be reached via je*********@***oo.com/08032725374.
Feature/OPED
When Expertise Meets Politics: The Rejection of Professor Datonye Dennis by Lawmakers
By Meinyie Okpukpo
In a development that has generated debate within both political and medical circles in Rivers State, the Rivers State House of Assembly recently declined to confirm Professor Datonye Dennis Alasia as a commissioner-nominee submitted by the state governor, Siminalayi Fubara.
The decision followed a tense screening session in Port Harcourt and has raised broader questions about the intersection of politics, governance, and the role of technocrats in public administration.
For many in Nigeria’s medical community, Professor Alasia is not simply a nominee rejected by lawmakers. He is a respected physician, academic, and nephrology specialist whose decades-long career has contributed significantly to medical practice and training in the Niger Delta and across Nigeria.
The Political Drama Behind the Rejection
Professor Alasia was among nine commissioner nominees submitted by Governor Fubara to the Rivers Assembly as part of efforts to reconstitute the State Executive Council following the dissolution of the cabinet earlier in 2026. After deliberations, the Assembly confirmed five nominees but rejected four, including Professor Alasia.
During the screening exercise, lawmakers raised concerns about discrepancies in Alasia’s birth certificate as well as the absence of a tax clearance certificate among the documents he submitted to the Assembly. Although the professor offered explanations and apologised for the missing tax document, a motion was moved on the floor of the House recommending that he should not be confirmed. The Assembly subsequently voted against his nomination. Some lawmakers also cited what they described as “poor performance” during the screening exercise as part of the reasons for their decision. The outcome has since become one of the most talked-about developments from the commissioner screening exercise, largely because of Alasia’s distinguished professional background.
Who Is Professor Datonye Dennis Alasia?
Professor Alasia is widely known in Nigeria’s healthcare sector as a consultant nephrologist and Professor of Medicine with long-standing service at the University of Port Harcourt Teaching Hospital (UPTH). At UPTH, he served as Chairman of the Medical Advisory Committee (CMAC), a key leadership position responsible for overseeing clinical governance, medical standards, and patient-care policies in one of Nigeria’s foremost teaching hospitals.
He also previously held the role of Deputy Chief Medical Director, contributing significantly to hospital administration and the implementation of medical policies within the institution.
In addition to his clinical responsibilities, Professor Alasia has been deeply involved in academic medicine, combining medical practice with teaching and research in the university system.
Advancing Nephrology Care in Nigeria
Professor Alasia specialises in nephrology, the branch of medicine that deals with kidney diseases. This area of medicine is particularly important in Nigeria, where hypertension and diabetes have contributed to a growing number of kidney failure cases.
Through his work as a consultant nephrologist, he has been involved in:
Diagnosis and treatment of kidney diseases
Management of chronic kidney failure
Development of nephrology services in tertiary hospitals
Training doctors in renal medicine
His contributions have helped expand specialised kidney care within the Niger Delta region.
Training the Next Generation of Doctors
Beyond clinical practice, Professor Alasia has also played an important role in medical education.
Teaching hospitals like UPTH serve as the backbone of Nigeria’s medical training system. Within this system, professors supervise:
Residency training programmes
Specialist physician development
Medical student education
Clinical research mentorship
Through these responsibilities, Professor Alasia has helped mentor and train numerous doctors who now practice across Nigeria and beyond.
Leadership in Hospital Administration
Professor Alasia’s role as Chairman of the Medical Advisory Committee at UPTH placed him at the centre of hospital governance.
The position involves responsibilities such as:
Oversight of clinical governance
Enforcement of patient-care standards
Coordination of medical departments
Implementation of healthcare policies
The CMAC position is widely regarded as one of the most influential clinical leadership roles in Nigerian teaching hospitals.
Politics Versus Professional Expertise
The rejection of Professor Alasia highlights a broader issue often seen in Nigerian governance—the tension between professional expertise and political scrutiny. On one hand, the Assembly maintains that its decision reflects its constitutional duty to thoroughly vet nominees and ensure that those appointed to public office meet all necessary requirements. On the other hand, some observers argue that professionals with long careers outside politics may sometimes struggle to navigate political screening processes that are often designed with career politicians in mind.
What Happens Next?
With four nominees rejected during the screening exercise, Governor Fubara may be required to submit new names to the Assembly in order to complete the composition of the State Executive Council.
For Professor Alasia, however, the Assembly’s decision does not diminish a career built over decades in medicine, medical education, and hospital administration.
Conclusion
Professor Datonye Dennis Alasia represents a class of Nigerian professionals whose influence lies primarily outside the political arena. As a professor of medicine, consultant nephrologist, and hospital administrator, his contributions to medical training and kidney disease management remain significant.
Yet his experience before the Rivers State Assembly reflects a recurring reality in Nigerian public life: even the most accomplished technocrats must still navigate the complex and often unforgiving terrain of politics.
Meinyie Okpukpo, a socio-political commentator and analyst, writes from Port Harcourt, Rivers State
Feature/OPED
Compliance is the New Currency of Nigerian Banking
By James Edeh
In the traditional halls of Nigerian finance, capital was once defined solely by the strength of a balance sheet and the depth of physical vaults. However, as the industry transitions into a tech-enabled era, marked by a staggering 11.2 billion electronic transactions processed by NIBSS in 2024 alone, the definition of capital has undergone a fundamental shift.
In 2026, ‘Character’ seems to have emerged as the most vital form of liquidity. In a market where digital fraud and systemic volatility can erode trust overnight, a bank’s commitment to regulatory compliance is no longer a ‘back-office’ function; it is the primary bridge that builds and sustains customer confidence. This evolution is driven by a sophisticated web of regulations from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), which have moved from reactive policing to proactive architecture. With the introduction of the Digital, Electronic, Online, or Non-traditional Consumer Lending Regulations 2025, the authorities have set a clear mandate: innovation must be tethered to integrity.
The current regulatory landscape is defined by milestones that signal a maturing ecosystem. Nigeria’s successful exit from the FATF ‘grey list’ in October 2025 served as a global validation of the country’s strengthened Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Counter-Terrorism Financing (CFT) frameworks.
The mandatory integration of the Bank Verification Number (BVN) and National Identification Number (NIN) has become the ‘digital DNA’ of banking. This has not only reduced identity fraud, which saw a significant decrease from ₦52.26 billion in 2024 to ₦25.85 billion in 2025, according to the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System NIBSS, but has also provided a secure pathway for 74% of the population to enter the formal financial system. Additionally, the CBN’s 2024–2026 recapitalisation drive, requiring minimum capital thresholds of up to ₦500 billion for international banks, ensures that ‘character’ is backed by the resilience to withstand economic shocks, effectively mandating that only the most robust and compliant players remain at the table.
As of January 2026, the Nigeria’s Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has also significantly increased the minimum capital requirements (MCR) for fintechs and digital asset operators, with compliance required by June 30, 2027. Key thresholds include ₦100 million for Robo-Advisers (up from ₦10m), ₦200 million for Crowdfunding Intermediaries (up from ₦100m), and ₦2 billion for Digital Asset Exchanges (DAX).
At FairMoney MFB, compliance is far more than a regulatory check box, it is the bedrock of our operational integrity and strategic growth. We have engineered a proactive compliance architecture that reaches every level of our organisation, ensuring that we remain with the highest industry standards. By embedding rigorous oversight, ethical governance, and transparent reporting into our core DNA, we have cultivated a foundation of trust that serves as a vital bridge between our organisation and key government stakeholders.
For forward-thinking institutions, compliance is being rebranded as a competitive advantage. In the digital space, where customers cannot visit a branch to demand answers, the ‘seal of approval’ from regulators acts as a proxy for safety.
This is where the concept of Character-as-Capital becomes most visible. By maintaining a strict adherence to responsible debt recovery practices and strictly adhering to the Nigeria Data Protection Act (NDPA), Institutions such as FairMoney MFB demonstrate how compliance-led models can support responsible digital lending. FairMoney’s adherence to the FCCPC’s Digital Lending Guidelines and its proactive stance on product transparency – clearly stating all interest rates and fees upfront – exemplifies how compliance can be used to build a ‘predictability model’ for the consumer. When a bank follows the rules even when it is more expensive to do so, it builds a reservoir of goodwill that serves as a moat against more aggressive, less ethical competitors.
The shift toward a compliance-first culture is yielding a tangible ‘Trust Dividend’. In late 2025, FairMoney’s national scale long-term issuer rating was upgraded from BBB(NG) to BBB+(NG) by Global Credit Rating (GCR), and its short-term rating from A3(NG) to A2(NG). Internal audited records show that in FY2025 FairMoney disbursed over ₦250 billion in loans and paid out over ₦7 billion in interest to savers, proving its ability to return value to a customer base that views the platform as a trusted platform for savings and credit services.
Between 2021 and 2024, FairMoney saw a significant growth in its customer deposit base. This growth has facilitated a reduced cost of funds; because users trust the bank’s CBN and NDIC-licensed status, FairMoney now funds over 56% of its loan book through customer deposits. Recent data from the Nigerian Exchange Limited and banking industry suggests that as compliance improves, so does the velocity of money. Total deposits in the Nigerian banking sector rose by 63% to ₦136 trillion by late 2024, a growth driven by a population that finally feels the digital financial infrastructure is safe enough to hold their life savings.
In the coming years, the winners in the Nigerian banking sector will not be those with the largest marketing budgets, but those with the strongest ethical spine. Compliance is the bridge that connects a sceptical populace to the digital economy. It is the assurance that a customer’s data is private, their deposits are insured, and their treatment is fair. As we look toward 2030, Nigeria’s economic expansion will only be reachable if the banking sector continues to treat Character as its New Capital.
By embracing the rigorous demands of current regulations, financial institutions are not just following the law; they are investing in the most valuable asset any bank can own: the unshakeable confidence of its people. The road ahead requires a commitment to transparency that transcends the app interface and penetrates the core of institutional culture.
James Edeh is the Head of Compliance at FairMoney Microfinance Bank
Feature/OPED
Piracy in Nigeria: Who Really Pays the Price?
Ever noticed how easy it is to get a movie in Nigeria, sometimes before or right after it hits cinemas? For decades, films, music, and series have circulated in ways that felt almost natural; roadside DVDs, download sites, and streaming hacks became part of how we consumed entertainment. It became the default way people experienced content.
But what many don’t realise is that what feels normal for audiences has real consequences for the people behind the screen. As Nigeria’s creative industry grows into a serious economic force, piracy isn’t just a “shortcut” anymore; it’s a drain on the very lifeblood of creativity.
The conversation hit the headlines again with the alleged arrest of the CEO of NetNaija, a platform widely known for downloadable entertainment content. Beyond the courtrooms, the story reopened an important question: how did piracy become so normalised, and why should we care now?
Filmmaker Jade Osiberu put it into perspective in a post that resonated across social media: for many Nigerians, pirated CDs and downloads were simply the most accessible way to watch films. Piracy didn’t just appear from nowhere. It grew because legal options were limited, streaming platforms scarce, and affordability a challenge. In other words, piracy is as much a story about opportunity and access as it is about legality.
The cost of this convenience is real. Every illegally downloaded or shared film chips away at revenue that sustains the people who create it. Producers risk their own capital to tell stories, actors and crew rely on fair compensation, and distributors and cinemas lose income when pirated copies hit screens first. Over time, this doesn’t just hurt profits; it erodes confidence in investing in new projects and threatens the ecosystem that allows Nigerian creativity to flourish.
Piracy is also about culture and necessity. Many audiences never intended harm; they simply wanted stories in a system that didn’t always make legal access easy. Streaming services were limited or expensive, internet access was spotty, and distribution was weak outside major cities. Piracy became the default, and generations grew up seeing it as normal. But what was once a practical workaround has now become a barrier to sustainable growth.
This is where enforcement comes in. Legal action, like the NCC’s intervention against NetNaija, isn’t about pointing fingers at audiences; it’s a reminder that creative work has value and that infringement carries consequences. It’s about sending the message that the people who write, produce, act, and edit these stories deserve protection. Enforcement alone isn’t enough, though. Without accessible, affordable legal alternatives, audiences will naturally gravitate back to piracy.
The bigger picture is this: Nollywood is no longer just a local industry. It’s a global player, employing thousands, creating cultural influence, and generating revenue across multiple sectors. Its growth depends not just on talent, but on a system that rewards creators, protects their work, and builds a sustainable ecosystem.
Piracy may have been normalised in the past, but its consequences today are impossible to ignore. It threatens livelihoods, investment, and the future of stories that define Nigeria culturally and economically. Understanding its impact isn’t about shaming audiences or vilifying platforms; it’s about valuing the people behind the content, the stories themselves, and the industry’s potential.
The real question isn’t just whether piracy is illegal. It’s whether Nigeria is willing to build an entertainment ecosystem where creators thrive, stories get told properly, and audiences can enjoy them without undermining the very people who made them possible. Until that happens, the cost of convenience will keep being paid by someone else, and it’s the people who create the magic.
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