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Why the 2023 Population Census Must be Postponed

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Mike Owhoko May Nigeria Never 9th National Assembly

By Michael Owhoko, PhD

Without prejudice to the extent of preparations, has the government genuinely evaluated the reasons for the dispute and rejection of the previous census results in Nigeria before proceeding to organise another headcount? Results of censuses conducted in 1962, 1963, 1973, 1991 and 2006 were all marred by anomalies and controversies allegedly engendered by the manipulation and falsification of figures.

Were there any lessons learnt from these disputes? So far, all contentious issues that diminished and undermined the credibility of the previous exercises, together with emerging fresh challenges, are still widespread.

Distrust induced by ethnic dominance, religious supremacy, nepotism, inappropriate political structure, dishonesty, insecurity, corruption, poverty and socio-economic uncertainty are still staring at us as monsters. The preconceived notion of increased revenue and political representation as the basis for census rather than national planning and development is another matter.

Without visible and genuine efforts at resolving these hiccups, the National Population Commission (NPC), charged with conducting the census, including collation and analysis of population data, has scheduled the 2023 population census for April, approximately a month after the 2023 general elections holding between February and March.

The National Council of State has also endorsed the exercise without a rigorous evaluation of potential exposures.

The timing is a miscalculation in the face of current realities devoid of enabling environment. The general elections and census are inflammable events that should not be scheduled close to each other.

More worrisome is the fact that nobody can predict the outcome of the 2023 general elections, which may likely spill into the census period. From the body language of youths across the country who are major victims of years of misgovernance, it may not be business as usual. So, why schedule a census under this condition?

Perhaps, if the government had painstakingly carried out a risk assessment of the timing of the elections and census within the context of Nigeria’s sociological complex configuration, both exercises would have been staggered apart by a minimum of one year. No amount of risk mitigation strategy can contain associated emotions, particularly under a government that is challenged by a trust deficit. Rather than resolve these flaws, the government is treading the same path, with an erroneous expectation of credible outcome.

In a multi-ethnic society like Nigeria, where population census is used as a basis for revenue allocation, the stakes are high, and so, citizens’ trust in the government as an unbiased umpire devoid of sectional leanings must not be in doubt.

Unfortunately, the distrust that characterised the previously failed exercises is popping up. This is evident from the recent statement of Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, when he advised NPC to “Be accurate and impartial. Declare what you capture. If the population of the state is less than 15 million, it is false and inaccurate. Do your work accurately.’’

By this declaration, Makinde has stirred up the hornet’s nest and is ready to reject any figure less than 15 million for Oyo State. In the past, the Lagos State government rejected the 2006 census while the Igbo socio-cultural organization, Ohanaeze, said the exercise reduced the Igbo to a minority group, casting aspersion on the credibility of the whole exercise.

Besides, all over the world, peace is a sine qua non and a critical factor for the conduct of a successful population census. It is for this reason nations first determine its availability and, where otherwise, take appropriate measures to promote it, particularly ahead of major sensitive milestones like national headcount.

Currently, Nigeria lacks peace that is adequate to guarantee a free and fair census. Except to live in denial, the country faces unresolved multifaceted crises. Peace is not only the absence of war but also the existence of impediments to human endeavours. Human delivery capacity in Nigeria is currently at its lowest ebb.

Where is the peace when travel and movement of goods by road or rail across the country is threatened by insecurity and associated risks? Nigerians now invoke divine intervention for safe arrival at their destinations before embarking on a journey by road.

Inadequate security cover to facilitate the safe deployment of men and census materials to all nooks and crannies of the country may hinder the exercise. This also explains why NPC has not been able to demarcate enumeration areas in all the 774 local government areas in the country.

In the northern part of the country, particularly in the North East and North Central, Boko Haram, ISWAP, Fulani herdsmen, terrorists and bandits hold sway, driving fear among travellers. The southern part is also not better, as travellers hold their breath until they get to their destinations due to fear created by these groups and other criminal elements. So, how do you conduct a credible census in this situation?

Many families have been displaced from their places of abode and ancestral homes, while others take refuge in the bushes or are in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps. Those who have not returned to their homes for fear of being killed or kidnapped have not been accounted for. Traces of these group of persons have not been established to date by relations or friends and, so, are unavailable for enumeration.

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recently admitted that insecurity affected data collection for field surveys. The Statistician-General of the Federation and CEO of NBS, Adeyemi Adeniran, disclosed this at a conference organized by the National Statistical Association in Keffi, Nasarawa State, where he said that enumerators were unable to access certain parts of the country for data collection due to insecurity.

With this revelation, do we need a prophet to tell us that the 2023 population census cannot be achieved?  In the absence of any hidden agenda and desperation of the government to score a political point, the NPC knows that it is difficult to achieve a reliable census figure under the current security setting, as no magic can contain insurgency in the troubled areas before the commencement of census in April 2023.

Where is the peace when the corruption of the census process is fuelled by subsisting economic, political and demographic interests? Some census officials are compromised when gathering, collating, analysing and producing data on the population.

These officials are either bribed, intimidated or coerced to inflate or allocate numbers for ethnic advantage. This has been the trend in all the censuses conducted so far in Nigeria.

Where is the peace when the credibility and capacity of the present administration under President Muhammadu Buhari to deliver on such an important project is smeared by scepticism induced by nepotism and presidential preferences, which have fragmented the country along ethnic and religious lines?  Suspicion and lack of trust among citizens have deepened more than ever before.

Where is the peace when the country’s border with the Niger Republic is opened and reinforced by the policy of issuance of visas on arrival, allegedly aimed at bloating the Fulani population in Nigeria? Illegal aliens from the Niger Republic enter the country unchecked, while others are alleged to have obtained National Identification Numbers (NINs) from the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) to qualify them as citizens, thereby giving the north undue demographic advantage over the south.

Where is the peace when there is no grass root enlightenment campaign to draw attention to the exercise?  The majority of Nigerians are unaware of a scheduled census for April next year due partly to a lack of access to electricity, internet and other communication networks. How many Nigerians can confidently affirm that their households were enumerated during the last trial census conducted by NPC ahead of the main exercise? I am sure millions of Nigerians were not aware.

Where is the peace when enumerators are constrained by poor demographic maps caused by unreliable digital technology, including geographic information system (GIS), satellite and aerial photographs, cartography and geographical positioning system (GPS), resulting in an inability to capture remote areas with difficult topography?

Where is the peace when insufficient capacity building and a dearth of qualified personnel are further constraints? NPC is currently not fully equipped with enough skilled personnel, forcing it to rely on ad-hoc and temporary personnel, including members of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) who are inadequately trained.

Notwithstanding the United Nation’s recommendation that a census is conducted every 10 years, Nigeria is not ready for the 2023 census. Population census is a sensitive matter that must be conducted under an atmosphere of peace to achieve a credible and desired outcome.

The 2023 population census should therefore be postponed until NPC has addressed all grey areas; otherwise, the exercise will amount to waste of time and resources, including the over N200 billion budgeted for the scheme.

Dr Mike Owhoko, Lagos-based journalist and author, can be reached at www.mikeowhoko.com

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2027: The Unabating Insecurity and the US Directive to Embassy, is History About to Repeat Itself?

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Christie Obiaruko Ndukwe

By Obiaruko Christie Ndukwe

‎We can’t be acting like nothing is happening. The US orders its Embassy Staff and family in the US to leave Nigeria immediately based on security concerns.

‎Same yesterday, President Donald J. Trump posted on his Truth Social that Nigeria was behind the fake news on his comments on Iran.

‎Some people believe it was the same way the Obama Government came against President Goodluck Jonathan before he lost out in the election that removed him from Aso Rock. They say it’s about the same thing for President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

‎But I wonder if the real voting is done by external forces or the Nigerian electorate. Or could it be that the external influence swings the voting pattern?

‎In the middle of escalating security issues, the opposition is gaining more prominence in the media, occasioned by the ‘controversial’ action of the INEC Chairman in delisting the names of the leaders of ADC, the new ‘organised’ opposition party.

‎But the Federal Government seems undeterred by the flurry of crises, viewing it as an era that will soon fizzle out. Those on the side of the Tinubu Government believe that the President is smarter than Jonathan and would navigate the crisis as well as Trump’s perceived opposition.

‎Recall that in the heat of the CPC designation and the allegations of a Christian Genocide by the POTUS, the FG was able to send a delegation led by the NSA, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, to interface with the US Government and some level of calm was restored.

‎With the renewed call by the US Government for its people to leave Nigeria, with 23 states classified as “dangerous”, where does this place the government?

‎Can Tinubu manoeuvre what many say is history about to repeat itself, especially with the renewed call for Jonathan to throw his hat into the ring?

‎Let’s wait and see how it goes.

Chief Christie Obiaruko Ndukwe is a Public Affairs Analyst, Investigative Journalist and the National President of Citizens Quest for Truth Initiative

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Dangote at 69: The Man Building Africa’s Industrial Backbone

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Dangote Steel Business

By Abiodun Alade

As Aliko Dangote turns 69, his story demands to be read not as a biography of wealth, but as a case study in Africa’s unfinished industrial argument.

For decades, the continent has lived with a structural contradiction. It exports raw materials and imports finished goods. It produces crude oil but imports refined fuel. It grows cotton but imports textiles. It produces cocoa but imports chocolate. It harvests timber yet imports something as basic as toothpicks. This imbalance has not merely defined Africa’s trade patterns; it has shaped its vulnerability.

Dangote’s career can be viewed as a sustained attempt to break that cycle.

What began as a trading enterprise has evolved into one of the most ambitious industrial platforms ever built on African soil. Cement, fertiliser, petrochemicals and now oil refining are not random ventures. They are deliberate interventions in sectors where Africa has historically ceded value to others.

This is what many entrepreneurs overlook. Not the opportunity to trade, but treading the harder, riskier path of building production capacity where none exists.

Recent analyses, including those from global business commentators, have framed Dangote’s model as a “billion-dollar path” hidden in plain sight: solving structural inefficiencies at scale rather than chasing fragmented market gains. It is a strategy that requires patience, capital and an unusual tolerance for long gestation periods.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the $20 billion Dangote Petroleum Refinery in Nigeria, a project that signals a shift not just for one country, but for an entire continent. With Africa importing the majority of its refined petroleum products, the refinery represents an attempt to anchor energy security within the continent.

Its timing is not incidental.

The global energy market has become increasingly volatile, particularly during geopolitical disruptions such as the recent crises in the Middle East. For African economies, which rely heavily on imported refined fuel, such shocks translate immediately into inflation, currency pressure, fiscal strain and higher poverty.

In those moments, domestic capacity ceases to be a matter of convenience and becomes one of sovereignty.

Dangote Petroleum refinery has already begun to play that role. By supplying refined products at scale, it reduces Africa’s exposure to external supply shocks and dampens the transmission of global price volatility into local economies. It is, in effect, a buffer against instability in a world where supply chains are no longer predictable. The refinery is not infrastructure. It is insurance against global instability.

But the ambition does not end there.

Dangote has articulated a vision to grow his business empire to $100 billion in value by 2030. This is not simply a statement of scale. It is a signal of intent to build globally competitive African industrial capacity.

When realised, such a platform would place an African conglomerate in a category historically dominated by firms from China, the United States and India—economies that have long leveraged industrial champions to drive national development.

The implications for Africa are significant.

Industrial scale matters. It lowers costs, improves competitiveness and attracts ecosystems of suppliers, logistics networks and skilled labour. Dangote’s cement operations across more than ten African countries have already demonstrated this multiplier effect, reducing import dependence while stabilising prices in local markets.

The same logic now extends to fertiliser, where Africa’s largest urea complex is helping to address agricultural productivity, and to refining, where fuel supply stability underpins virtually every sector of the economy.

Yet perhaps the most interesting shift in Dangote’s trajectory is philosophical.

In recent years, Dangote’s interventions have moved beyond industry into social infrastructure. A N1 trillion education commitment aimed at supporting over a million Nigerian students suggests an understanding that industrialisation without human capital is incomplete.

Factories can produce goods. Only education produces capability.

This dual focus—on both production and people—mirrors the development pathways of countries that successfully transitioned from low-income to industrial economies. In South Korea, for instance, industrial expansion was matched by aggressive investment in education and skills. The result was not just growth, but transformation.

Africa’s challenge has been the absence of such an alignment.

Dangote’s model, while privately driven, gestures toward that possibility: an ecosystem where energy, manufacturing and human capital evolve together.

Still, there are limits to what just one industrialist can achieve.

No matter how large, private capital cannot substitute for coherent policy, regulatory clarity and institutional strength. Industrialisation at scale requires coordination between state and market, not tension between them. This remains Africa’s unresolved question.

Beyond scale and industry, Aliko Dangote’s journey is anchored in faith—a belief that success is not merely achieved, but granted by God, and that wealth is a trust, not an end. His philanthropy reflects that conviction: that prosperity must serve a higher purpose. History suggests that, by divine providence, such figures appear sparingly—once in a generation—reminding societies that impact, at its highest level, is both economic and spiritual.

Dangote’s career offers both inspiration and caution. It shows that African industrialisation is possible, that scale can be achieved and that global competitiveness is within reach. But it also highlights how much of that progress still depends on singular vision rather than systemic design.

At 69, Dangote stands at a pivotal moment, not just personally, but historically.

He has built assets that did not previously exist. He has challenged economic assumptions that persisted for decades. And he has demonstrated that Africa can do more than export potential; it can manufacture reality. But the deeper test lies ahead.

Whether Africa transforms these isolated successes into a broader industrial awakening will determine whether Dangote’s legacy is remembered as exceptional—or foundational.

In a fragmented global economy, where supply chains are shifting and nations are turning inward, Africa has a unique opportunity to redefine its place.

Africa must now make a deliberate choice. For too long, its development path has been shaped by external prescriptions that prioritise consumption over production, imports over industry and short-term stability over long-term capacity. International institutions often speak the language of efficiency, yet the outcome has too frequently been a continent positioned as a market rather than a manufacturer—a destination for surplus goods rather than a source of value creation. This model has delivered dependency, not resilience. Industrialisation is not optional; it is the foundation of economic sovereignty. Africa cannot outsource its future. It must build it—by refining what it produces, manufacturing what it consumes and resisting the quiet drift towards becoming a permanent dumping ground in the global economy.

At 69, Aliko Dangote stands not at the end of a journey, but on the cusp of a larger question.  His factories, refineries and investments are more than monuments of capital; they are proof that Africa can build, can produce and can compete. But no single individual can carry a continent across the threshold of industrialisation. The deeper test lies beyond him.

Whether Africa chooses to scale this vision or retreat into the familiar comfort of imports will define the decades ahead. Dangote has shown what is possible when ambition meets execution. The question now is whether others—governments, institutions, and investors—will match that courage with corresponding action.

History is rarely shaped by what is imagined. It is shaped by what is built.

Abiodun, a communications specialist, writes from Lagos

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Why Creativity is the New Infrastructure for Challenging the Social Order

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Professor Myriam Sidíbe

By Professor Myriam Sidíbe

Awards season this year was a celebration of Black creativity and cinema. Sinners directed by Ryan Coogler, garnered a historic 16 nominations, ultimately winning four Oscars. This is a film critics said would never land, which narrates an episode of Black history that had previously been diminished and, at some points, erased.

Watching the celebration of this film, following a legacy of storytelling dominated by the global north and leading to protests like #OscarsSoWhite, I felt a shift. A movement, growing louder each day and nowhere more evident than on the African continent. Here, an energetic youth—representing one-quarter of the world’s population—are using creativity to renegotiate their relationship with the rest of the world and challenge the social norms affecting their communities.

The Academy Awards held last month saw African cinema represented in the International Feature Film category by entries including South Africa’s The Heart Is a Muscle, Morocco’s Calle Málaga, Egypt’s Happy Birthday, Senegal’s Demba, and Tunisia’s The Voice of Hind Rajab.

Despite its subject matter, Wanuri Kahiu’s Rafiki, broke the silence and secrecy around LGBTQ love stories. In Kenya, where same sex relationships are illegal and loudly abhorred, Rafiki played to sold-out cinemas in the country’s capital, Nairobi, showing an appetite for home-grown creative content that challenges the status quo.

This was well exemplified at this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos when alcoholic beverages firm, AB InBev convened a group of creative changemakers and unlikely allies from the private sector to explore new ways to collaborate and apply creativity to issues of social justice and the environment.

In South Africa, AB inBev promotes moderation and addresses alcohol-related gender-based violence by partnering with filmmakers to create content depicting positive behaviours around alcohol. This strategy is revolutionising the way brands create social value and serve society.

For brands, the African creative economy represents a significant opportunity. By 2030, 10 per cent of global creative goods are predicted to come from Africa. By 2050, one in four people globally will be African, and one in three of the world’s youth will be from the continent.

Valued at over USD4 trillion globally (with significant growth in Africa), these industries—spanning music, film, fashion, and digital arts—offer vital opportunities for youth, surpassing traditional sectors in youth engagement.

Already, cultural and creative industries employ more 19–29-year-olds than any other sector globally. This collection of allies in Davos understood that “business as usual” is not enough to succeed in Africa; it must be on terms set by young African creatives with societal and economic benefits.

The key question for brands is: how do we work together to harness and support this potential? The answer is simple. Brands need courage to invest in possibilities where others see risk; wisdom to partner with those others overlook; and finally, tenacity – to match an African youth that is not waiting but forging its own path.

As the energy of the creative sector continues to gain momentum, I am left wondering: which brands will be smart enough to get involved in our movement, and who has what it takes to thrive in this new world?

Professor Sidíbe, who lives in Nairobi, is the Chief Mission Officer of Brands on a Mission and Author of Brands on a Mission: How to Achieve Social Impact and Business Growth Through Purpose.

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