World
Ryan Collyer Reveals Reasons Behind Africa’s Significant Energy Deficit
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Perhaps Russia’s state nuclear corporation, Rosatom, is at the frontline, shaping Africa’s energy security. And African countries are also accelerating coordinated efforts to build nuclear power plants primarily to supply their energy, which will drive industrialisation and boost power capacity for domestic utilisation.
Energy experts say adopting nuclear can further support a diverse energy mix, reduce reliance on fossil fuels, and help across the continent. Over the past two decades, Russia has been collaborating with African countries, adopting energy initiatives to provide power to approximately half the continent’s population, and making it an important component of Africa’s future energy strategy and solutions. At this point, however, it is necessary to underline the irreversible fact that Russia’s ultimate goal is to ensure long-term African energy security.
In this interview, Rosatom’s Chief Executive Director for Central and Southern Africa, Ryan Collyer, reiterates the strategic importance of Russia-Africa’s energy cooperation through strengthening bilateral agreements on collaboration on the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Collyer explains that the Russian approach is its ability to offer an integrated solution, from technology and financing to training and localisation. According to him, partnerships must be built on mutual benefit and on the principle of transparency. Here follows the interview excerpts:
What are the expectations, specifically in the nuclear energy sphere, for Africa during the forthcoming Russia–Africa Summit scheduled for 2026?
The expectation is a clear shift from dialogue to delivery. Over the past few years, we have built a strong foundation through agreements, feasibility discussions and partnerships. The 2026 Russia–Africa Summit is an opportunity to demonstrate tangible progress.
In practical terms, I would expect greater focus on implementation readiness. That includes regulatory development, human capital, financing models and localisation strategies. We also expect to see more structured cooperation in areas like small modular reactors, which are particularly relevant for many African grids, as well as stronger emphasis on education and training partnerships. Ultimately, the success of the Summit will be measured by how many initiatives move from concept to execution.
Why, despite many bilateral agreements, is Africa still experiencing a significant energy deficit?
Africa’s energy deficit is not a result of a lack of ambition or agreements. It is primarily a question of scale, financing and infrastructure readiness. Energy projects, especially large-scale ones, require long-term investment, stable policy frameworks and strong institutional capacity. Many countries are working under fiscal constraints, and at the same time, demand is growing rapidly due to population growth and urbanisation. So, even when progress is made, it can be outpaced by rising demand.
It is also important to understand that many agreements are not meant to deliver immediate infrastructure. They are part of a longer preparation cycle, including feasibility studies, regulatory development and workforce training. Nuclear projects in particular are long-term by nature, and while this can be perceived as slow progress, it is actually a reflection of the level of diligence required.
How do you assess the contribution of nuclear energy to climate change mitigation and technological development in Africa?
Nuclear energy plays a dual role in Africa’s development, both as a clean energy source and as a driver of technological advancement. From a climate perspective, nuclear provides reliable, low-carbon electricity at scale. Africa needs a significant expansion of its energy capacity to support economic growth, and this growth must be both stable and sustainable.
Nuclear allows countries to increase power generation without increasing emissions, while ensuring a consistent baseload supply. At the same time, its impact goes beyond electricity. Nuclear technologies support medicine, agriculture, water management and industrial processes. Across Africa, they are already used in areas such as cancer treatment, food preservation and environmental monitoring, making nuclear a broader platform for sustainable development.
In this context, Rosatom offers integrated solutions across the full nuclear value chain. This includes large-scale and small modular reactors, as well as advanced non-power applications such as nuclear medicine and irradiation technologies. Our focus is on delivering practical, tailored solutions that support long-term development and local capacity building.
Is Africa unprepared to deal with nuclear waste, as some critics suggest?
I would say that preparedness varies across countries, but it would be inaccurate to suggest that the issue is being ignored. Responsible nuclear programmes require a comprehensive approach to waste management from the very beginning. This includes legal frameworks, regulatory oversight, storage solutions and long-term planning. These elements are part of international best practice and are supported by organisations such as the IAEA. What is true is that this topic is often undercommunicated in the public space. It should be discussed more openly, because transparency builds trust.
Countries that are serious about nuclear energy understand that waste management is not optional. It is a core component of the programme, and it is addressed in parallel with all other aspects of development. Rosatom offers comprehensive solutions for spent fuel and radioactive waste management. These include technologies for safe storage, transportation, reprocessing and recycling of nuclear materials. In fact, advanced reprocessing solutions allow for the reuse of valuable components of spent fuel, significantly reducing the volume of waste and improving the overall sustainability of the nuclear cycle.
Nuclear power remains controversial. Why do you believe it is important for Africa, and what role does it play in the energy mix?
Africa needs a balanced and pragmatic energy strategy. The conversation should not be about choosing one technology over another, but about building an energy mix that is reliable, affordable and sustainable. Renewables will play a critical role and are already expanding rapidly. However, they are variable by nature. For industrialisation, countries also need stable, continuous power that is baseload. This is where nuclear can make a meaningful contribution. A diversified energy mix that includes renewables, nuclear, hydropower and other sources allows countries to reduce risk, improve energy security and support long-term economic growth.
Nuclear is not the only solution, but it is an important part of a resilient system, especially for countries with growing industrial ambitions. In this context, Rosatom is able to support countries with integrated energy solutions that combine reliability, sustainability and long-term partnership models, tailored to national development priorities.
How can we shift public perception, given the legacy of Chornobyl and Fukushima?
We cannot rewrite history, and we should not try to. Events like Chornobyl and Fukushima shaped public perception for a reason. The starting point is respect for those concerns, not dismissal. At the same time, what is often missing in the conversation is what happened after those events. Chornobyl, in particular, fundamentally reshaped the entire philosophy of nuclear safety. It led to a complete rethinking of reactor design, emergency response, and regulatory oversight. Independent regulators were strengthened, safety responsibilities were clearly separated from operators, and safety culture became not just a principle but a legal requirement supported by continuous drills and probabilistic risk assessments.
Technologically, the industry also changed dramatically. Modern reactors are designed to withstand even worst-case scenarios, with multi-layered “defence-in-depth” systems, core melt traps, and passive safety mechanisms that rely on natural physical processes rather than human intervention. These are not incremental improvements. They are the direct result of lessons learned at a very high cost. But facts alone do not change perception. People do not build trust through reports. They build it through experience and transparency. That is why our approach in Africa is deliberately open.
We create opportunities for students, young professionals and journalists to visit nuclear facilities, research centres and training programmes. When people can see how systems operate, how safety is managed, and how seriously it is taken, the conversation becomes more grounded and less abstract. There is also an important human dimension that is often overlooked.
The history of Chornobyl is not only a story of tragedy. It is also a story of professionalism, responsibility and the people who managed the crisis and generated the knowledge that made today’s safety standards possible. Acknowledging that the full picture helps move the discussion away from fear alone toward understanding. At the same time, we need to broaden the narrative. Nuclear is not only about power generation. It is about cancer treatment, food security, water management and high-skilled employment. When communities begin to connect nuclear technology with real benefits in their own lives, it stops being an abstract risk and starts becoming a practical solution. Ultimately, perception does not change through persuasion. It changes through consistency. Through transparency, long-term engagement, and real-world impact.
What are your final thoughts on Russia’s preparedness to support Africa’s nuclear ambitions?
Russia has demonstrated that it is committed to long-term partnerships in Africa, particularly in the nuclear sector. We are already seeing concrete examples of cooperation in areas such as project development, education and skills transfer. The key strength of the Russian approach is its ability to offer an integrated solution, from technology and financing to training and localisation. Partnerships must be built on mutual benefit and transparency. Africa’s priorities are clear: energy security, economic development and local capacity building. Any partner that is ready to contribute to these goals consistently and practically will have a meaningful role to play. If we look country by country, the picture becomes even more interesting.
Take Ethiopia. This is a country thinking long-term about energy security and industrialisation. It has strong hydropower, but also understands the need to diversify. Ethiopia is prepared to take a big step towards nuclear energy. In Rwanda, the approach is different. It is focused on innovation and speed. There is a strong interest in small and flexible nuclear technologies, alongside active use of nuclear science in healthcare and agriculture. What stands out is the clarity of vision and pace of implementation.
Then, there is Namibia. As a major uranium producer, the question is how to move up the value chain. Partnerships can help connect resources to technology, skills and future energy applications. So, Russia’s role is not one-size-fits-all.
The real strength lies in adapting to each country’s strategy. If that continues, nuclear cooperation becomes not just about energy, but about shaping long-term technological development. Rosatom is one of the few global players capable of delivering the entire nuclear value chain. This includes reactor technologies, fuel supply, waste management solutions, including reprocessing, as well as long-term operational support and human capital development. This comprehensive capability is what allows us to move projects from concept to reality in a structured and sustainable way.
World
African Graduates Association Promoting Multifaceted Initiatives With Russian Educational Institutions
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
In preparations for the third Russia-Africa Summit, scheduled for late October 2026, Dr Francois Ngan, deputy chairman of the Union of Associations of African Graduates of Soviet and Russian Universities, during an official working visit, has held a consultative meeting with Professor Vladimir Filippov, the President of the Russian University of Peoples’ Friendship (RUDN), and former Minister of Higher Education of Russia, Chairman of the National Commission for Accreditation of Higher Education.
RUDN is an educational institution established in 1960, primarily to provide higher education to Third World students. It has now become a popular multidisciplinary spot for many students, especially from developing countries. The university offers various academic programmes and has research infrastructure that comprises laboratories and interdisciplinary centres. The university is named after the former Congolese leader, Patrice Lumumba.
Dr Francois Ngan and Professor Filippov discussed the importance of the Graduates Association as a continental platform dedicated to strengthening unity, cooperation, and promoting shared progress among African graduates who studied in the former Soviet Union and in the Russian Federation. They also reviewed multifaceted initiatives that could bring together alumni associations from across Africa, whose members obtained education and professional training, and cultural experiences in Soviet and Russian institutions of higher learning.
Professor Filippov expressed optimism in addressing emerging challenges as a result of shifting geopolitical changes, emphasised strategic cooperation in the educational sphere with Africa, in general, and with the Republic of Cameroon, in particular, and further about the integration of African students during their studies in the Russian Federation.
The meeting also touched on academic and scientific work, the possibility of rewriting a scientific thesis, and the official organisation of transferring versions translated into six languages for the library of RUDN. Significant questions relating to Russia’s educational opportunities, collaborations and partnerships involving African countries were thoroughly discussed.
The Union of Associations of African Graduates of Soviet and Russian Universities was created under one continental umbrella to promote friendship, for professional networking, to engage in cultural exchange, and with particular emphasis on forging strategic cooperation between Africa and Russia.
World
Russia to Support Industrial Growth, Technological Advancement and Supply Chain Resilience across Africa
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
With the heightening of geopolitical rivalry and competition, a new Russia-Africa working group has emerged as a significant institutional mechanism and plans to focus on facilitating and monitoring strategic investments, industrialisation, and infrastructural development—the Strategic Action Plan 2023-2026—that was outlined during the second Russia-Africa summit, in St.Petersburg, the second largest city in the Russian Federation.
While substantial progress has, largely, lagged on the multidimensional economic front with Africa primarily due to its internal difficulties and the complexity of relations with its former Soviet neighbours, Russian officials believe there still remains huge untapped potential in strengthening bilateral cooperation. As planned, President Vladimir Putin has already signed an executive order that directs Moscow to host the forthcoming third Russia-Africa summit in October 2026.
On June 30, a regular meeting of the Business Council on Africa was held under the chairmanship of the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry. It was dedicated to issues of trade, economic and investment cooperation with Africa. The group discussed the current state and prospects for the implementation of policy initiatives with an emphasis on assisting the countries of the continent, strengthening their economic, energy, technological and food sovereignty, as well as training specialists for Africa.
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has reiterated that Russia-Africa relations primarily depend on an understanding of the importance of collective action based on the principles of equality, mutual respect and resolving common tasks. In the past few years, Russia-Africa cooperation has been noticeably strengthening. “We are deepening political dialogues, developing bilateral contacts with African countries, promoting cordial cooperation between ministries and departments, and expanding humanitarian exchanges. We are also continuing the structural diversification of trade partnerships and economic dimensions.”
“Next on the agenda is the launch of diplomatic missions in The Gambia, Liberia, Togo, and the Union of the Comoros,” Lavrov said at a meeting of the Business Council under the Russian foreign minister. Lavrov noted that Russian embassies began operating in three other African countries in 2025: Niger, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan. A new Department for Partnership with Africa was also established. According to the top diplomat, “expanding Russia’s diplomatic presence on the continent contributes to developing relations.”
There are already 45 Russian embassies operating in Africa. The Russian foreign minister noted that Moscow is quickly rebuilding its presence in African countries, which sharply declined during the collapse of the Soviet Union. “There will be literally four or five countries left where we still need to establish full-fledged embassies, and then, we will have 100 per cent coverage of the entire African continent with our diplomatic presence,” Lavrov emphasised.
After the first summit in October 2019, the Foreign Ministry also created the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum. Its main tasks include controlling the roadmap to Africa’s multidimensional cooperation and guiding potential Russian investors to the continent. This also underscored the priority and post-Soviet solidarity Russia currently attaches to its policy towards Africa, within the growing framework of the emerging new architecture of multipolarity in the Global South.
In an interview in June 2026, the director of the Department of Partnership with Africa at the Foreign Ministry, Tatyana Dovgalenko, shared a few insights in the lead-up to the third summit. Furthermore, Dovgalenko explained that Russia would move away from security to concentrate more on economic issues, especially to team up with African colleagues to streamline mechanisms for implementing projects that will ensure food security and agriculture, and help Africa in installing processing facilities to support its self-sufficiency. She also emphasised energy and vital infrastructures, and the third direction was to simultaneously work more coherently with sub-regional organisations.
Over the past few years, bilateral relations have been increasing. There are positive dynamics in trade turnover, estimated at $30 billion. Steps are being taken to build payment systems, preferably in national currencies, while Russia looks to open four more diplomatic offices, bringing the total to 48 across Africa. Russia is currently training 37,000 African students, but only approximately 1/3 on state scholarships in Russia’s educational institutions. “We are ready to share valuable experiences of building a sovereign development model with African partners to achieve self-reliant economic growth based on their own resources and capabilities. Russia aims at creating processing capabilities and localising production, and provides access to advanced technological solutions,” underlined Dovgalenko in her interview with New Eastern Outlook.
For African countries that have endured difficult decades on the path to political independence, it is now important to take full control over the untapped resources, direct income and revenue toward stimulating the national economic sector, rather than paying for the well-being of the Western “golden billion” during this changing geopolitical era, according to Dovgalenko.
According to reports, the forthcoming Russia-Africa summit will have an economic agenda, including the digital economy, technology, artificial intelligence, healthcare, investment, and settlements in global trade. Of course, the agenda will also cover Africa’s political aspects. But if African friends bring along any specific ideas, Russia will give them serious attention. In addition, with continuity and consistency, pay increased attention to expanding ties with Africa’s regional integration associations.
Going forward, the focus will be on translating strong trade relations into deeper investment partnerships, fostering technology collaboration, strengthening industrial linkages and contributing towards the shared objectives set by the leadership of both African countries and Russia. At the third summit, the above-mentioned specific initiatives will be further designed. In this regard, the key document, the new action plan for the next three-year period (2027-2029), is intended to reflect dynamic realities in the future relations of Russia and Africa
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
At the 12th Primakov Readings conference held in Moscow on June 24, Russia’s Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, categorically emphasised that BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has suspended its future ambitions of expansion, citing divergences and rising perceptions over emerging geopolitical changes between members of the BRICS association. BRICS has experienced tectonic appreciation for its latest expansion from five to ten members, and for creating ‘partner membership’ status for 13 countries. While this was considered a significant achievement under Russia’s chairmanship in 2024, it has now turned into an obstacle confronting BRICS.
Lavrov acknowledged this key obstacle, sharp differences and disputes, as tarnishing the image and hindering, to some degree, the progress of the BRICS association. Primakov Readings was held to underline one of its aspirations, that is, to advance the growing question of multipolarity. In order to make a noticeable headway in establishing a new world order, it is necessary to rope in the East and the Global South to denounce the “rules-based order” and hegemony of the United States and Europe. BRICS, thus, conveniently, provides a platform for these countries to raise their voice and interaction in multilateral institutions and organisations. Acting collectively, they could considerably participate and expectedly rise to the global stage.
In his speech, Lavrov reiterated that the United States and the West in general have not accepted the objective reality of an emerging multipolar world order. They prefer propping up their weakening positions by forcing others to side with them, imposing sanctions, enacting bans, issuing threats and taking other illegitimate measures to force the Global Majority to play their game.
Lavrov, however, raised his genuine criticism: The West persists in its refusal to abide by the universally recognised international norms as outlined in the UN Charter, and has never fully respected them, in fact, even if everyone signing and ratifying the Charter undertakes to fully comply with its norms in their entirety and interconnection. This includes the sovereign equality of states and non-interference in domestic affairs, as well as respecting and guaranteeing human rights regardless of race, sex, language, or religion, to quote the UN Charter.
To unlock the potential of new powerhouses in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, a comprehensive agreement was initiated between China and Russia, as staunch driving forces behind BRICS, to increase its numerical strength by proposing new membership for BRICS. It all started with a pretext by inviting South Africa to join BRICS in 2010, then, under Russia’s presidency in 2024, the association moved from five to ten, by total membership.
Nevertheless, after only a couple of years, the planned ‘membership drive’ ultimately proved to be an obstacle to be managed within the current framework of BRICS. For China and Russia, this is a matter of regulatory principle – apparently, it will certainly not produce any positive results. In the end, to logically suspend BRICS’ future expansion. Without mincing words, Lavrov noted this point clearly: “We continue to comprehensively develop them while trying to stimulate the trilateral RIC – Russia-India-China – group. That format was shaped about 30 years ago at the initiative of Yevgeny Primakov and formed the core of BRICS. In our associations, cooperation is based on mutual respect and readiness to search for consensus solutions even when this is a challenging task. These things happen, and quite often. But the solutions we eventually find are guaranteed to serve common interests. That is why the number of countries willing to join the operations of BRICS and the SCO keeps growing, namely, in Central and Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America,” Lavrov said.
Mentioning BRICS during the Primakov Readings forum in late June 2026 was quite important, as Yevgeny Primakov anticipated the evolutionary social development trends during his time. After the collapse of the Soviet era in 1991, we can see that the number of BRICS member states has almost doubled. While explaining these latest developments, that the number of full members has increased from five to ten, Lavrov further pointed out that “this is not how it happened when BRIC accepted South Africa, and the addition of one country posed questions that needed to be clarified to ensure forward movement. When BRICS turned into a group of ten, it was decided to give the new members time to adjust to each other. I believe that it is a correct decision.”
During the meeting of the BRICS Council of Foreign Ministers in India, discussions were held, in practical terms, a difficult conversation between Iranian and Emirati members. This happened in the hottest period of the Gulf confrontation, but eventually, it was managed to coordinate a joint document, despite the highly emotional opinions expressed by both sides. This was one case in point.
But, according to Lavrov’s explanation, other examples go deeper, to clashing economic interests. That is why it has been decided against pushing for further expansion for a few years. But the partner countries attend these events, which is creating grounds for giving BRICS a more universal dimension.
As for the agenda, BRICS is not an organisation, but rather an informal association. This is its strong side, because it would be wrong to create a rigid structure, at least at the current stage, especially a global structure rather than a continental or regional one. Many find this confusing. At least Russia won’t propose formalising BRICS, with the same structural status as the United Nations (UN).
Interesting to note and remind here, in an interview with Sky News Arabia on September 20, 2024, Lavrov expressed scepticism but was straight to the point about the strategic expansion of BRICS. Under Russia’s BRICS presidency, five countries – Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates became the second wave of the newest members to join BRICS.
Tracking down the history, operations and achievements, Lavrov acknowledged, in his interview, that BRICS is consolidating its positions and cooperating with some countries. At the same time, this association is facing serious challenges. It is necessary to promote collaboration based on a balance of interests, and most importantly, BRICS functions based on consensus. The consensus principle primarily aims at finding agreements that reflect the mutual accord of all participants. In practical terms, the more partners, the harder it is to search for accord. It takes more time to finalise any consensus-based agreement than a vote-based solution.
According to Lavrov, BRICS expansion has sparked debates and discussions over the past several years. The foreign minister indicated, and repeatedly explained, the “suspension” of membership in BRICS was primarily due to internal differences, perceptions and approach to geopolitical changes. As stipulated by the guidelines, there are no concrete criteria or rules for admission except using the flexible term “consensus” – a general agreement at summits, which was utilised in the selection process.
At the Primakov Readings, previously held in June 2024, the key point was an announcement by Sergey Lavrov over the ‘suspension’ of new membership. Then, in mid-June 2024, Lavrov hosted the BRICS Foreign Ministers Council in Russia’s Nizhny Novgorod. The BRICS Foreign Ministers decided to suspend admission of new members, and this step was reflected in the final documents.
At present, the annual agenda is determined by the rotating presidency of BRICS. However, practice shows that every successive presiding country strives to ensure continuity. For example, during India’s presidency, BRICS members have been actively working to implement the initiatives which Russia presented during the Kazan summit in autumn 2024. Therefore, it is true that many countries are willing to join the group, which is an inspiring fact. However, BRICS looks for new forms of partner engagement and will, most probably, expand the informal association again.
As a show of indivisible and close-partnered bilateral relationship, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping, without the least hesitancy, underlined this final decision to postpone BRICS expansion, at the summit in Kazan, capital of the autonomous Tatarstan Republic of the Russian Federation.
