World
The Future of Russia-Africa Relations
By Joseph Siegle
Russia has been aggressively pursuing its strategic objectives in Africa in recent years—securing a foothold in the eastern Mediterranean, gaining naval port access in the Red Sea, expanding natural resource extraction opportunities, displacing Western influence, and promoting alternatives to democracy as a regional norm.
Africa, thus, is a “theatre” for Russia’s geostrategic interests rather than a destination itself—a perspective reflected in the means that Russia employs. Unlike most major external partners, Russia is not investing significantly in conventional statecraft in Africa—e.g., economic investment, trade, and security assistance. Rather, Russia relies on a series of asymmetric (and often extralegal) measures for influence—mercenaries, arms-for-resource deals, opaque contracts, election interference, and disinformation.
Partnership with whom?
Russia’s Africa-focused initiatives are typically concentrated on propping up an embattled incumbent or close ally: Khalifa Haftar in Libya, Faustin Archange Touadéra in the Central African Republic (CAR), and coup leaders Colonel Assimi Goïta in Mali and Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan in Sudan, among others.
To assess the future of Russia-Africa relations, therefore, it is necessary to be clear that the “partnerships” that Russia seeks in Africa are not state- but elite-based. By helping these often illegitimate and unpopular leaders to retain power, Russia is cementing Africa’s indebtedness to Moscow.
This strategy works for Russia and the respective leaders who gain international diplomatic cover, resources to consolidate power domestically, a mercenary force, arms, and revenues from resource deals. However, Russia’s opaque engagements are inherently destabilizing for the citizens of the targeted countries, resulting in stunted economic development, human rights abuses, disenfranchisement of African citizens, the perpetuation of illegitimate governments, and social polarization.
Through this model, Russia has been able to advance its objectives with limited financial and political costs. Accordingly, we can expect to see Moscow continuing to expand its influence on the continent in 2022.
Focal points for Russia-Africa relations in 2022
Libya. Russia retains Wagner mercenary forces (former Russian defence intelligence troops) and military assets on the ground in support of its proxy, warlord Khalifa Haftar. Russia can be expected to try and steer the outcome of the postponed presidential and legislative elections with the aim of emerging as the principal powerbroker in this geostrategically important territory—with access to oil reserves and deep-water ports in the eastern Mediterranean and a permanent presence on NATO’s southern flank.
Sudan. Russia has been striving to gain naval port access in the Red Sea, especially Port Sudan. It also has longstanding ties to the Sudanese military, elements of the ousted Bashir regime, and gold trafficking networks in the west. The continuation of the military government in Khartoum provides a ready entry point for expanded Russian influence.
Mali. The military coup in Mali has provided Russia with an opportunity to become a pivotal actor in the Sahel. We can expect Moscow to provide political cover to the junta of Assimi Goïta as it seeks to avoid a transition back to a democratic government. Indications are that Wagner mercenaries have already been deployed in support of the junta.
Guinea. Russia has long been a patron of former president Alpha Condé, who had been a strong supporter of Russia’s extensive mining (bauxite) interests in Guinea. Following Condé’s ouster in a coup in September 2021, Moscow can be expected to refocus its diplomatic efforts on propping up the military junta of Colonel Mamady Doumbouya in return for Moscow’s continued political sway and unencumbered access in the mining sector.
The Gulf of Guinea. Having consolidated its position in the CAR in 2021, Russia is set to expand its influence in the nearby Republic of the Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Gabon in 2022. Moscow has been cultivating ties with leaders of all three countries with an eye on becoming a more significant player in the lucrative oil and mineral networks of Central Africa.
Angola. President João Lourenço is contending for a second term in office in 2022 amid a long recession, criticisms for increasing authoritarianism, and divisions within his ruling party. Russia’s opportunistic strategy of coming to the aid of isolated leaders as a means of enhancing Moscow’s leverage makes Lourenço an attractive target. His military academy training in the USSR, Russia’s extensive Cold War-era ties to Angola, and Angola’s vast diamond, oil, gold, and mineral resources will all factor into increased Russian attention on Lourenço in 2022.
Civil society engagement and scrutiny
Since Russia’s engagements in Africa are typically predicated on co-opting leaders facing limited checks and balances, they are nearly always detrimental to African citizens who must endure deepened institutionalized corruption, diverted public revenues, unaccountable leaders, and instability. Reform, therefore, will not come from these leaders but from African citizens, which will entail greater civil society engagement, enhanced transparency around contracts, and higher levels of scrutiny of any deals struck with Russia.
Building more mutually beneficial Africa-Russia relations depends on changes in both substance and process. Such a shift would require Russia to establish more conventional bilateral engagements with African institutions and not just individuals. These initiatives would focus on strengthening trade, investment, technology transfer, and educational exchanges. If transparently negotiated and equitably implemented, such Russian initiatives would be welcomed by many Africans.
Joseph Siegle is the Director of Research at Africa Center for Strategic Studies at Brookings where this article was first and originally published
World
S&P Restores Afreximbank to Investment-Grade Status After 12 Years
By Adedapo Adesanya
Credit ratings agency, S&P Global Ratings, has restored the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) to investment grade, nearly 12 years after its last assessment, citing the entity’s countercyclical lending record and strong shareholder support.
The BBB+ rating with a stable outlook is one notch above Moody’s Baa2 and comes months after Afreximbank severed ties with Fitch Ratings.
The lender accused the agency of misjudging its mission, following a downgrade to junk status amid disagreements over the bank’s role in debt restructurings for Ghana and Zambia. Fitch subsequently withdrew its ratings entirely and flagged governance concerns.
S&P said in a statement on Thursday that Afreximbank’s record as a countercyclical lender and its substantial shareholder support served as rationale for its rating. Credit ratings often guide the costs of capital for a borrower.
The lender’s total assets, S&P noted, had expanded to $42.3 billion by the end of 2025, up from $7.1 billion in 2015.
S&P said it did not incorporate preferred creditor status into its assessment because Afreximbank provides almost 80 per cent of its loans to private-sector entities.
However, it acknowledged that Afreximbank, alongside other institutions, had experienced prolonged payment arrears in recent years, notably following the defaults and debt restructurings in Ghana and Zambia.
S&P noted that Afreximbank said in December that it had come to an agreement with Ghana on its $750 million loan, but that the lender had not announced a resolution with Zambia.
The agency warned that further sovereign restructurings could weigh on Afreximbank’s asset quality.
S&P’s assessment described Afreximbank’s governance and management as “adequate”, saying the inclusion of two independent directors and the African Development Bank (AfDB) as a permanent board member provided institutional oversight.
It noted that while increasing participation of private-sector investors through Class D shares could influence the bank’s risk appetite, Class A shareholders retained veto rights over big institutional changes, balancing potential risk.
World
Elon Musk Becomes World’s First Trillionaire as SpaceX Soars in Nasdaq Debut
By Adedapo Adesanya
Mr Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, is now a trillionaire as his SpaceX rose 11 per cent in its Nasdaq debut on Friday, lifting its valuation to about $1.96 trillion as investors piled into the world’s largest initial public offering (IPO).
The stock opened for trading at $150 compared with the IPO price of $135 per share.
The landmark listing cemented Mr Musk’s status as the first trillionaire ever and propelled SpaceX into the ranks of the world’s most valuable companies
The listing is being used as a benchmark of what is to come for the market ahead of forthcoming IPOs for AI heavyweights Anthropic and OpenAI.
The record IPO is a culmination of Mr Musk’s long-held ambitions in space and technology.
Most of Musk’s wealth now rests with SpaceX, where he holds a stake worth roughly $866 billion. Along with Tesla and the rest of his properties, his net worth will exceed $1.1 trillion when the stock begins trading on Friday.
At a quoted $75 billion, the deal’s proceeds were more than double those of Saudi Aramco’s record-setting 2019 IPO.
The valuation could rise further should underwriters exercise their right to sell additional shares, a decision typically made within 30 days after the offering.
Although SpaceX may have to wait for entry into the S&P 500, its expected fast-track inclusion in the Nasdaq 100 will soon make it a major holding for passive funds and ETFs that track the index, creating a fresh source of demand for its shares.
It will take about a month before it gets added to that index under Nasdaq’s new fast-entry rules, as opposed to a typical wait of as much as a year.
SpaceX said its market opportunity spans $28.5 trillion, a figure it called the largest in human history.
Mr Musk, 54, was born in Pretoria, South Africa, to a Canadian mother and South African father. He attended the University of Pennsylvania, graduating in 1997.
He took over as Tesla’s CEO in 2008. Beyond Tesla and SpaceX, Mr Musk has co-founded five other companies, including tunnelling startup The Boring Company and brain implant maker Neuralink.
World
Bridge Awards Symbolize a Definitive Choice of Life in Russia—Sammy Kotwani
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Under the presidential decree, authorising an initiative to tap the best brains and professionals from abroad to integrate into Russian society, the Agency for Strategic Development plans to hold its first Bridge Awards, which honour the contributions of foreign citizens and repatriates who have made a definitive life choice in favour of Russia. The Bridge Awards was founded by entrepreneur Philip Hutchinson and public figure Guy Eames.
Launched in February 2026, the competition for the awards has attracted a lot of potential candidates from more than 40 countries competing for victory across 12 categories. The highest number of applications came from the United States, totalling 18. There are also a number of candidates from Europe, Asia, and Africa. The “Business” category proved to be the most geographically diverse, drawing applicants from 12 countries.
The Bridge Awards recognise the valuable contributions of foreign citizens and repatriates to the Russian society. It is also dedicated to raising awareness, recognising achievements, and building strong connections with the international community.
According to the official reports made available, among the winning applicants and world-renowned celebrities for the Business Category were Sammy Manoj Kotwani, President, Indian Business Alliance; President, SITA/Indian National Cultural Centre; President, Overseas Friends of BJP Russia; and Founder, Imperial Tailoring Company.
In this conversation, Sammy Kotwani talks about how he has lived and worked in Russia for more than three decades, his entrepreneurial achievements, and his contributions to Russian society. Here are the interview excerpts:
What really motivates you to participate in the first competition for Bridge Awards?
For me, the Bridge Awards are not only a competition. They are a recognition of a life journey. I have lived and worked in Russia for more than three decades. Russia gave me the opportunity to build my business, serve the Indian community, promote Indian culture, and create real business connections between India and Russia.
My motivation is very simple: I want to show that a foreign citizen can love Russia, respect its people, contribute to its economy, and at the same time remain deeply connected to his own roots and motherland.
Through the Indian Business Alliance, through cultural activities, through India–Russia business forums, through meetings with governors and regional leaders, my work has always been to build bridges — not only between governments, but between people, entrepreneurs, regions, cultures, and families.
So, when I heard about the Bridge Awards, I felt that this platform represents exactly what I have tried to do for many years: turn friendship into action, and respect into real cooperation.
You were selected by the Jury for the business category. What are the implications of this category?
Being selected in the business category is a very meaningful honour because business is where friendship becomes practical.
India and Russia already have strong political trust, historic goodwill, and a strategic partnership. But the real question today is: how do we convert this goodwill into trade, investment, joint ventures, logistics solutions, industrial cooperation, and regional development?
That is why the business category is important. It recognises those who are not only speaking about cooperation, but actually working on the ground to make it happen.
For me personally, it reflects the work of the Indian Business Alliance in connecting Indian entrepreneurs with Russian regions, supporting business missions, encouraging investment, discussing opportunities with governors, and identifying practical sectors such as textiles, pharmaceuticals, logistics, food processing, energy, technology, education, tourism, and skilled manpower.
This category is not only about personal achievement. It is about responsibility. It means we must continue to create platforms where Indian and Russian businesses can meet, trust each other, and build long-term partnerships.
Do you think the “Time to Live in Russia” programme has good future prospects for foreign citizens who choose to relocate and live in Russia?
Yes, I believe the “Time to Live in Russia” programme has strong future potential, provided it remains practical, transparent, and welcoming.
Many foreign professionals, entrepreneurs, investors, teachers, doctors, engineers, cultural workers, and skilled specialists are looking for countries where they can build a meaningful life. Russia has space, resources, education, culture, business opportunities, and strong regional potential.
But relocation is not only about visas or documents. A person who comes to Russia needs guidance, integration, language support, business orientation, community support, and confidence that he or she can build a stable future.
This is where such a programme can become very powerful. If it helps talented foreigners understand Russia better, settle smoothly, respect Russian society, and contribute to the economy, then it can become a serious instrument of international cooperation.
From the Indian perspective, I see strong potential. Many Indians are skilled in technology, medicine, education, trade, textiles, pharmaceuticals, engineering, hospitality, and entrepreneurship. If the right mechanism is created, India and Russia can benefit greatly from this human bridge.
How would you characterise the International Bridge Awards by the Agency for Strategic Initiatives and decreed by President Vladimir Putin?
I would characterise the Bridge Award as a timely and visionary initiative. In today’s world, countries need more than formal diplomacy. They need people who understand both sides, who can translate culture into trust, and trust into practical cooperation.
The Bridge Award gives recognition to such people — foreign citizens and repatriates who have chosen Russia not only as a place to live, but as a place to contribute.
For me, this award carries a very important message: Russia values those who sincerely work for its development, its international friendships, and its multicultural society.
The involvement of the Agency for Strategic Initiatives gives the award a serious institutional direction. It shows that this is not just a symbolic gesture, but part of a larger vision — to make Russia a place where international talent, entrepreneurs, cultural leaders, and public figures can participate in national development.
I believe this award can become a powerful platform for public diplomacy. It can show the world that Russia is open to sincere partners, serious professionals, and people who are ready to build, not just observe.
For me, as an Indian who has lived in Russia for many years, the word “bridge” is very personal. A bridge connects two banks. It allows people to cross, meet, understand, and build together. That is exactly what India and Russia need today—more bridges, more trust, more implementation, and more human connection.
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