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Russia’s Summit on Africa: Challenges, Implications and Beyond

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Kremlin Red Square Russia's Summit

By Kester Kenn Klomegah

With highly expected symbolism, Russia’s primary focus at the forthcoming November summit in St. Petersburg with African leaders, corporate business directors, representatives from the academic community, civil society organizations and media will largely be renewing most of its unfulfilled bilateral agreements and making new pledges that will, as usual, be incorporated into a second joint declaration.

Brilliant speeches reminded of long-standing traditions of friendship and solidarity, how Soviets assisted African countries in their struggle to attain independence and established statehood, and further highlighted neo-colonialism tendencies wide spreading on the continent.

That Russia stands with Africa on matters of strengthening peace and stability on the continent and ensuring regional security. Next is absolute readiness to engage in broadening cooperation in all economic sectors.

While the first summit was described as highly successful due to its spectacular blistering symbolism and has offered the necessary solid impetus for raising to qualitative level the multifaceted relations, especially in the economic spheres with Africa, much has still not been pursued as expected. Behind the shadows of the bilateral agreements, some of the projects were simultaneously assigned to either Western or European investors.

Long before the historic summit, the African foreign minister and delegations had lined up visiting Moscow. Those frequent official visits were intended to show off that Russia is in high demand as indicated in a 150-paged new policy released last November by a group of 25 leading experts headed by Sergei A. Karaganov, the Honorary Chairman of the Presidium of the Council on Foreign and Defence Policy.

The report vividly highlighted some pitfalls and shortcomings in Russia’s approach towards Africa. It further pointed to Russia’s consistent failure in honouring its several agreements and pledges over the years. It decried the increased number of bilateral and high-level meetings that yield little or bring to the fore no definitive results. In addition, insufficient and disorganized Russian African lobbying combined with a lack of “information hygiene” at all levels of public speaking, says the policy report.

There are, indeed, to demonstrate “demand for Russia” in the non-Western world; the formation of ad hoc political alliances with African countries geared towards competition with the collective West. Apart from the absence of a public strategy for the continent, there is a lack of coordination among various state and para-state institutions working with Africa.

Despite the growth of external players’ influence and presence in Africa, Russia has to intensify and redefine its parameters. Russia’s foreign policy strategy regarding Africa has to spell out and incorporate the development needs of African countries.

Unlike most competitors, Russia has to promote an understandable agenda for Africa: working more on sovereignty, continental integration, infrastructure development, human development (education and medicine), security (including the fight against hunger and epidemics), normal universal human values, the idea that people should live with dignity and feel protected.

Nearly all the Russian experts who participated in putting the report together unreservedly agreed with this view. The main advantage of such an agenda is that it may be more oriented to the needs of Africans than those of its Western and European competitors. It is advisable to present such a strategy already at the second Russia-Africa summit and discuss and coordinate it with African partners before that. Along with the strategy, it is advisable to adopt an Action Plan – a practical document that would fill cooperation with substance between summits.

Vsevolod Tkachenko, the Director of the Africa Department of the Russian Foreign Ministry, stated during one of the preparatory meetings, “the African partners expect concrete deeds, maximum substantive ideas and useful proposals.” The current task is to demonstrate results and highlight achievements to the African side. Over the past years, African countries have witnessed many bilateral agreements, memoranda of understanding and pledges.

Russia has to set different narratives about its aspirations and intentions of returning to Africa. The approach has to move from rhetoric and mere declarations of interest. Since the basis of the summit remains the economic interaction between Russia and Africa, “the ideas currently being worked out on new possible instruments to encourage Russian exports to Africa, Russian investments to the continent, such as a fund to support direct investment in Africa, all these deserve special attention,” Tkachenko says.

According to an official report posted on the website, Russia’s Foreign Affairs Minister Sergei Lavrov, during the “Government Hour” in the State Duma on January 26, stated that the “cooperation with African countries has expanded to reach new frontiers. Together with African friends, we are working on preparations for the second Russia-Africa summit scheduled to be held this year.” Previously, for instance, Lavrov explicitly indicated: “Russia’s political ties, in particular, are developing dynamically. But economic cooperation is not as far advanced as political ties.”

Many experts have expressed concern about the relationship between Russia and Africa, most often comparing it with other foreign players on the continent within the framework of sustainable development there in Africa. It is about time to make meaningful efforts to implement tons of bilateral agreements already signed with African countries.

“Russia, of course, is not satisfied with this state of affairs. At present diplomacy dominates its approach: a plethora of agreements were signed with many African countries, official visits proliferate apace, but the outcomes remain hardly discernible,” Professor Gerrit Olivier from the Department of Political Sciences, the University of Pretoria in South Africa and a former South African Ambassador to the Russian Federation wrote in an emailed comment.

“While, given its global status, Russia ought to be active in Africa as Western Europe, the European Union, America and China are, it is all but absent, playing a negligible role. Be that as it may, the Kremlin has revived its interest in the African continent and it will be realistic to expect that the spadework it is putting in now will at some stage show more tangible results,” Olivier added.

Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to Russia, Brigadier General (rtd) Nicholas Mike Sango, who has been in his post since July 2015, expresses his views on the relations between Africa and the Russian Federation. While Russia has traditional ties with Africa, its economic footprints are not growing as expected. It has however attempting to transform the much boasted political relations into a more comprehensive and broad economic cooperation, he noted in his conversation with me.

He pointed to the disparity in the level of development, the diversity of cultures and aspirations of the peoples of the two regions, there is a growing realization that Africa is an important partner in the “emerging and sustainable polycentric architecture of the world order” as Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has aptly asserted. But in fact, Africa’s critical mass can only be ignored at great risk, therefore.

For a long time, Russia’s foreign policy on Africa has failed to pronounce itself in practical terms as evidenced by the countable forays into Africa by Russian officials. The Russian Federation has shied away from economic cooperation with Africa, making forays into the few countries that it has engaged in the last few years. African leaders hold Russia in high esteem as evidenced by a large number of African embassies in Moscow. Furthermore, Russia has no colonial legacy in Africa, according to the Zimbabwean diplomat.

Ambassador Sango, who previously held various high-level posts such as military adviser in Zimbabwe’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations, and as an international instructor in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), also said that “Russia has not responded in the manner expected by Africa, as has China, India and South Korea, to name a few. Africa’s expectation is that Russia, while largely in the extractive industry, will steadily transfer technologies for local processing of raw materials as a catalyst for Africa’s development.”

While Russia and Africa have common positions on the global platform, the need to recognize and appreciate the aspirations of the common man cannot be overstated. Africa desires economic upliftment, human security in the form of education, health, shelter as well as security from transnational terrorism among many challenges afflicting Africa. The Russian Federation has the capacity and ability to assist Africa to overcome these challenges leveraging on Africa’s vast resources, Ambassador Sango concluded.

For more than three decades after the Soviet collapse in 1991, Russia has had different degrees of political relations and currently looking forward to building stronger economic cooperation. During these years, the relations have also transited through distinctive phases taking cognizance of challenges and fast-changing global politics.

In an interview discussion for this story, Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration of Ghana explains to this research writer that “Although, for a relationship lasting this long with Africa, one would have expected it to move past where it is now. In short, there is still room for improvement, in fostering particularly stronger economic ties.”

It is hoped that Russia continues consistently to catch up with other active foreign competitors, makes attempts to transform the well-developed political relations with broader economic cooperation in the coming years. Ultimately, emphasis should also be placed on developing ‘people-to-people’ relations, whereby the peoples of both countries would have a better understanding of each other.

Critically not much has been achieved, looking at the Russia-Africa relations from the perspective of regional organizations – especially the Southern African Development Community (SADC), when it was headed by Lawrence Stergomena. Regrettably, she explained during discussions with me that like most of the developing countries, Southern African countries have largely relied on multilateral and regional development financial institutions to fund their development projects.

In this regard, SADC welcomes investors from all over the world. In reality, Russia has not been that visible in the region as compared to China, India or Brazil. On the other hand, it is encouraging that Russia is currently attempting to position itself to be a major partner with Southern Africa, underlined Stergomena, and further explained that the SADC is an inter-governmental organization with its primary goal of deepening socio-economic cooperation and integration in the southern region.

Dr Babafemi A. Badejo, Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, Abeokuta, Nigeria, argues that many foreign players and investors are now looking forward to exploring several opportunities in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which provides unique and valuable access to an integrated African market of over 1.2 billion people. In practical reality, it aims at creating a continental market for goods and services, with free movement of businesspeople and investments in Africa.

Badejo argues further that Russia’s gradual engagement can be boosted by African media popularizing and boosting knowledge on such engagements by Russia. Hosting the next summit would feed very well into popularizing Russia’s efforts at engagement with African leaders. However, promoting relations with the continent of Africa would require more than a one-off event with African leaders who have varying levels of legitimacy from performance or lack of it in their respective countries.

Interestingly, and at the current moment, not much of Russia’s image is promoted by the media in Africa. African media should have the opportunity to report more about Russian corporate presence in Africa and their added value to the realization of the sustainable development goals in Africa. This corporate presence can support the building of the media image of Russia in Africa through involvement with people-at-large oriented activities.

In this final analysis, Russia has to make consistent efforts in building its media network that could further play a key role in strengthening relations with Africa, the academic professor noted in his lengthy discussions on Russia-Africa and concluded that it is Western perception and narrative of Russia that pervades the African media. Russia needs to do more in using media to tell its own story and interest in Africa.

President Vladimir Putin noted at the VTB Capital’s Russia Calling Forum, that many countries had been “stepping up their activities on the African continent” but added that Russia could not cooperate with Africa “as it was in the Soviet period, for political reasons.” In his opinion, cooperation with African countries could be developed on a bilateral basis as well as on a multilateral basis, through the framework of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

With its impressive relations, Russia has not pledged publicly concrete funds toward implementing its policy objectives in Africa. Its investment efforts have been limited thus far which some experts attributed to the lack of a system of financing. While Russians are very cautious about making financial commitments, the financial institutions are not closely involved in foreign policy initiatives in Africa.

In addition, experts have identified lack of effective coordination and follow-ups combined with inconsistency are basic factors affecting the entire relations with Africa. While the first summit is still considered as the largest symbolic event in history, many significant issues in the joint declaration have not been pursued and that could lay down a comprehensive strategic roadmap for building the future Russia-African relations.

As publicly known, China, Japan and India have committed funds publicly during their summits, while large investment funds have also come from the United States and European Union, all towards realizing various economic and infrastructure projects and further collaborating in new interesting areas as a greater significant part of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Africa.

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Economy

Airtel Africa Moves to Return Cash to Shareholders With $110m Buyback

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airtel africa

By Adedapo Adesanya

Airtel Africa has launched a share buyback programme worth up to $110 million, signalling confidence in its strong balance sheet and financial flexibility as the telco seeks to return value to shareholders.

The company disclosed in a notice filed on the portal of the Nigerian Exchange (NGX) Limited that the programme would involve the repurchase of up to 1 per cent of its issued share capital as part of its capital allocation policy.

The telco further stated that all shares repurchased under the programme would be cancelled as the sole purpose of the exercise is to reduce the company’s capital base.

“The sole purpose of the buyback programme is to reduce the capital of the company. As such, all shares purchased under the buyback programme will be cancelled,” the notice stated.

According to the organisation, the initiative reflects the board’s confidence in the group’s financial position and its ability to continue investing across its African operations while rewarding shareholders.

“The board’s decision reflects the continued strength of the Group’s balance sheet and its ability to preserve financial flexibility while supporting ongoing investment to capitalise on the compelling growth outlook across the Group’s footprint,” the notice stated.

Airtel Africa said it had entered into an agreement with Barclays Capital Securities Limited to execute the programme through on-market purchases of its ordinary shares, which would subsequently be acquired by the company. The agreement, according to the notice, consists of two parallel elements.

Under the non-discretionary arrangement, Barclays will independently purchase between $50 million and $60 million worth of ordinary shares without influence from the company.

The second component is a discretionary arrangement under which Airtel Africa may instruct Barclays to purchase up to an additional $50 million worth of shares, subject to the provisions of the Market Abuse Regulation.

The programme commenced on May 22, 2026, and is expected to run until no later than November 27, 2026, unless terminated earlier in line with the terms of the agreement.

Airtel Africa said further tranches of the programme could be announced later to enable it fulfil its objective of repurchasing up to one per cent of its issued share capital as at the date of the announcement.

The telecommunications company also explained that the purchases would be carried out in line with shareholder approvals, UK listing regulations and market abuse rules. It noted that shareholders had earlier granted the company authority at its annual general meeting held on July 9, 2025, to repurchase a maximum of 366.07 million ordinary shares.

Following the completion of an earlier buyback programme, Airtel Africa said the remaining authority available for repurchases currently stands at 357.04 million ordinary shares.

The company further disclosed that Barclays may continue executing the discretionary portion of the buyback autonomously during closed periods under irrevocable and non-discretionary instructions permitted by regulation.

The new buyback announcement comes weeks after Airtel Africa reported strong financial and operational performance for the year ended March 31, 2026 (Q1), supported by growth in data usage, mobile money services and improved profitability across its markets.

According to its audited financial statement, the group recorded a 29.5 per cent increase in revenue to $6.42 billion from $4.96 billion in the previous year, while profit after tax (PAT) rose by 147.4 per cent to $813 million from $328 million.

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Court Battle: Tension Brews as NNPC Accuses Dangote of Monopoly

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Dangote NNPC Bayo Ojulari

By Adedapo Adesanya

* NNPC rejects Dangote’s argument, cites risks

* NMDPRA joins suit

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) has accused Dangote Petroleum Refinery of seeking to restrict competition and expose the country’s fuel market to monopoly control.

This came after the management of the 650,00/ barrels per day refinery challenged import licences issued to rival marketers in court by suing the federal government.

In a proposed defence filed at the Federal High Court in Lagos, NNPC said granting Dangote’s request to void or restrict import permits would expose ⁠Africa’s largest oil producer to supply disruptions, price instability and risks to national energy security.

The regulator, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), has applied to join the case, widening a legal battle over import policy and Dangote refinery’s market position.

Dangote said in the filing that the licences issued to marketers, including NIPCO, AA Rano, Matrix, Shafa, Pinnacle, and Bono, undermined its operations and contravene the provisions of Nigeria’s Petroleum Industry Act, which it argues allows imports only when domestic supply falls short.

Named in the suit against the country is the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Mr Lateef Fagbemi. The federal government can only be sued via his office.

The state-owned oil company rejected the argument, saying the law allows import licences to companies with local refining licences or proven records in international crude and petroleum-product trading.

It said regulators had ⁠discretion to manage imports under Nigeria’s backwards-integration policy and that there was no mandatory ban on imports except in cases of domestic shortfall.

NNPC also said Dangote had not provided “credible, independent or verifiable evidence” that the refinery ⁠could meet Nigeria’s total fuel demand or guarantee uninterrupted nationwide supply, the court documents show.

The company denied allegations that it had sabotaged Dangote’s refinery ⁠or deliberately withheld crude, saying crude allocations depended on operational, commercial, security and logistical factors.

The court has scheduled a hearing in the coming weeks.

Fuel marketers under Depot and Petroleum Products Marketers Association of Nigeria (DAPPMAN) have also opposed Dangote’s suit, warning it could hurt competition and supply security.

The dispute comes months before Dangote’s planned September IPO of its refinery business, adding uncertainty over market rules, import competition and the revenue outlook investors may assign to the 650,000-barrel-per-day plant.

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Economy

55 Stocks Lower NGX Index by 0.25% in One Week

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NGX 30 Index

By Dipo Olowookere

The All-Share Index (ASI) of the Nigerian Exchange (NGX) Limited contracted by 0.25 per cent week-on-week last week to 249,712.37 points, and compressed the market capitalisation by 0.23 per cent to N160.077 trillion.

This was due to profit-taking, which also caused all other indices to finish lower except for CG, premium, banking, pension, AFR Bank Value, MERI growth, energy, growth and commodity indices, which appreciated by 0.24 per cent, 0.33 per cent, 1.11 per cent, 0.19 per cent, 1.47 per cent, 0.33 per cent, 0.07 per cent, 1.57 per cent and 0.02 per cent, respectively. The sovereign bond index was flat in the week.

Data from Customs Street showed that 38 equities appreciated during the week versus 74 equities in the previous week, 55 shares depreciated versus 24 shares of the preceding week, and 53 stocks remained unchanged versus 48 stocks a week earlier.

ABC Transport gained 44.82 per cent to trade at N9.08, Academy Press improved by 29.79 per cent to N9.15, University Press grew by 28.00 per cent to N6.40, International Energy Insurance appreciated by 22.22 per cent to N3.41, and Learn Africa jumped 18.89 per cent to N12.90.

Conversely, Sovereign Trust Insurance lost 22.45 per cent to settle at N2.28, Trans-Nationwide Express moderated by 18.98 per cent to N5.72, CAP depleted by 14.85 per cent to N199.00, Berger Paints slumped by 12.64 per cent to N147.60, and RT Briscoe slipped by 11.18 per cent to N14.06.

Business Post reports that market participants traded 3.875 billion shares worth N161.757 billion in 334,745 deals in the five-day trading week versus the 7.772 billion shares valued at N374.040 billion traded in 402,945 deals in the previous week.

Financial stocks led the activity chart with 2.410 billion units sold for N69.712 billion in 126,919 deals, contributing 62.19 per cent and 43.10 per cent to the total trading volume and value, respectively.

Services equities recorded a turnover of 409.306 million units worth N5.409 billion in 25,908 deals, and energy shares exchanged 294.859 million units valued at N31.496 billion in 26,738 deals.

Sterling Holdings, Fidelity Bank, and Access Holdings accounted for 1.092 billion units worth N19.527 billion in 21,683 deals, contributing 28.18 per cent and 12.07 per cent to the total trading volume and value, respectively.

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