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2019 Presidential Election: Assessing Possibility of Electoral Fraud

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By Omoshola Deji

After about thirty years of stern military rule, Nigeria re-embraced democracy in 1999 and five elections have produced Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo (two terms), Umaru Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan and the incumbent Muhammadu Buhari.

The year 2019 ushers in an opportunity for Nigerians to elect another president or return Buhari. Buhari has promised a free and fair election, but the opposition parties and some observers cast doubts on his commitment to ensuring transparency in an election he is contesting.

This piece examines the allegations and influence of nepotism on the credibility of the electoral process, as well as the effects of underage voting and vote-buying on election results.

Nigerians are criticizing President Buhari’s appointments as nepotistic, especially his choice of the heads of security agencies and the electoral commission. The prevailing argument that this is a clever style of managing the electoral process in his favour steers us into an appraisal of such appointments by the previous governments. Ensuring the successful conduct of elections in Nigeria involves the collaborative effort of several agencies – including the Civil Defense, Army and State Security Service – but Police and INEC are the most crucial. INEC conduct elections and police leads the provision of security. The appraisal thus focuses on these two outfits.

Individuals referenced are classified based on their states of origin and geopolitical zones as currently defined in Nigeria. The zones are abbreviated thus: South-West (SW), South-East (SE), South-South (SS) North-West (NW), North-Central (NC), and the North-East (NE).

Is President Buhari’s appointment of the 2019 election handlers nepotistic? In the first republic (1963-1966), President Nnamdi Azikwe, a native of Anambra State (SE), appointed Louis Edet from Cross River State (SS) as the Inspector General of Police (IGP). Eyo Ita Esua from Cross River State (SS) was appointed the head of the Federal Electoral Commission. You would note that the president and the heads of FEC and police were not from the same geopolitical zone. The military seized power in 1966.

To conduct the election that’ll usher in the second republic in 1979, then General Olusegun Obasanjo from Ogun State (SW) appointed Chief Michael Ani from Cross River State (SS) as Chairman of the Federal Electoral Commission. Muhammadu Dikko Yusufu from Katsina State (NW) was appointed the IGP. The head-of-state and the heads of FEC and police were not from the same geopolitical zone. Obasanjo transferred power to Shehu Shagari, but (Nigeria’s incumbent president) then General Muhammadu Buhari seized power via a military coup in 1983. General Ibrahim Babangida later ousted him in 1985.

After being pressurized by a national campaign for democratic rule, Babangida promised to conduct elections and hand over power in 1993 – the third republic. Babangida, a native of Niger State (NC) appointed Professor Humprey Nwosu, an indigene of Anambra State (SE), as the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission. Aliyu Atta from Adamawa State (NE) was appointed the IGP. Please note that the military-president and the heads of NEC and police were not from the same geopolitical zone.

To conduct the election that brought on the (Obasanjo led 1999-2003) fourth republic, General Abdusalami Abubakar from Niger State (NC) appointed Justice Ephraim Akpata from Edo State (SS) as the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Ibrahim Commassie, an indigene of Katsina State (NW), was appointed the IGP. Again, General Abubakar and the heads of INEC and police were not from the same geopolitical zone.

Ex-President Obasanjo’s second term was the fifth republic (2003-2007). The election that earned him the term was handled by then INEC Chairman Abel Guobadia (Edo, SS) and IGP Mustafa Balogun (Osun, SW). Appointments of the two crucial election handlers were not only allotted to the South, the police IG was from Obansanjo’s geopolitical zone, the SW.

This is not the case now in Buhari’s government. Buhari, a native of Katsina State (NW) appointed Mamood Yakubu (Bauchi, NE) and Idris Kpotun (Niger, NC) as INEC and police heads.

Although Buhari dispensed the appointments to northerners, he and the two appointees are from separate northern geopolitical zones. In essence, Obasanjo’s appointment of INEC and police heads when he was seeking re-election in 2003 is even more sectional than what we have now.

It is appalling that facts about an issue that could diminish Buhari’s votes, especially in the South, stay unutilized. Why is the work of presidential aides being left for independent analysts in an election season? Buhari’s aides are either unmindful of the harm negative public perceptions could do to their principal or they are simply overconfident he would win. But on a second look, why was Obasanjo’s appointment not criticized? Why are people afraid that Buhari’s appointments could breed electoral fraud, but weren’t troubled during Obasanjo’s rule?

The issue is best explained empirically. When Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan increased petrol price from 67 to 87 Naira, people protested because his government was widely rated as corrupt. They didn’t trust him. But when President Buhari increased petrol price from 87 to 145 Naira, the protest was very minimal because Nigerians see him as a non-corrupt person. Trust is the keyword here.

People never protested against Obasanjo’s more sectional appointment of INEC and police heads because they didn’t see him as nepotistic and chauvinistic. His other key appointments (of national security adviser and heads of civil defense, army, the state security service etc.) reflected Nigeria’s ethnic pluralism. That cannot be said of Buhari. He is more sectional than national.

The heads of all the above mentioned agencies are from the North. SSS is currently being led by Mathew Seiyefa (Bayelsa, SS) due to dismissal of Lawal Daura (Katsina, NW) and there are reports of ongoing moves to replace him with a northerner. Nigerians are pessimistic about getting a credible election in 2019 as the influence of these outfits’ activities on election results cannot be undermined. Does nepotism breed electoral fraud? We must resist the appetite to digress. I’ll dissect the issue after concluding the ethnic and geopolitical appraisal of individuals appointed to handle the conduct of past national elections.

The election that ushered in the (late Umaru Yar’Adua led) sixth republic was conducted by the Obasanjo administration. The poll was handled by then INEC Chairman, Professor Maurice Iwu (Imo, SE) and IGP Sunday Ehindero (Ondo, SW). In this case, Obasanjo’s appointment of non-northerners can be argued as ensuring fairness and transparency since the election was mainly a contest between northern candidates – late Umaru Yar’Adua for the PDP, M. Buhari for the defunct ANPP, and Atiku Abubakar for the defunct AC.

Yar’Adua’s death left a vacuum in government. His vice, Goodluck Jonathan (Bayelsa, SS), was sworn in on May 5, 2010 to complete the four-year tenure of the sixth republic (2007-2011). As the term ends, Jonathan turned down the northern oligarchy’s request to takeover. He contested, won and governed Nigeria in the seventh republic (2011-2015). The election that returned him elected was handled by the northerners he appointed. Prof. Attahiru Jega (Kebbi, NW) was the INEC Chairman and Hafiz Ringim (Jigawa, NE) was the IGP. Unlike the Buhari administration, Jonathan was mindful of Nigeria’s ethnic sensitivity and majority of his appointment favoured other ethnic groups, especially the northern lived Hausa-Fulani. He retained Jega as INEC Chairman and appointed Suleiman Abba (Jigawa, NE) as IGP for the 2015 elections.

Jonathan lost the race to rule Nigeria in the eighth republic (2015-2019) to incumbent President Buhari. He conceded defeat. Oppositely, when Jonathan floored Buhari in the 2011 presidential election, the latter’s supporters violently protested, killed and destroyed properties in the north. Would the 2011 post-election violence not have been more devastating if the election handlers and service chiefs were Southerners from Jonathan’s ethnic extraction? Ensuring appointments into sensitive positions are fairly distributed remains one of the most effective means of maintaining public trust, dousing inter-ethnic bigotry and erasing agitation for succession in a plural state like Nigeria. Does nepotism breed electoral fraud? How will nepotism, vote-buying and underage voting affect the outcome of the 2019 presidential election?

In the history of Nigeria, Buhari is the first ruler to appoint an INEC Chairman from his region, the NW. He appointed his supposed relation, Mrs Amina Zakari, as the acting INEC Chairman in June 2015. After several criticisms, Prof Mahmood Yakubu was appointed to replace her as the substantive chairman in October 2015. The relationship between Zakari and Yakubu is so strong that it has the tendency to influence the outcome of the elections in favour of Buhari. The nepotism and sectionalism in Buhari’s government is also present in INEC’s leadership.

Vote buying and underage voting are electoral crimes, but INEC and police have been unable to stem the tide. The two agencies only condemn. They are unwilling to prosecute electoral offenders. The northern region has the highest case of underage voting, while vote-buying has recently gained prominence across the country.

In all fairness, affection for Buhari can’t be argued as the sole reason for underage registration and voting in the north. The north has always had a substantial registration of underage voters before Buhari became president. Nonetheless, his re-election bid has led to an increase in such for political gain. In 2019, (regular and) underage voting would be a huge gain for Buhari in his northern stronghold.

In other regions, Buhari currently have an above-average support in the SW, fast-rising support in the SE, and a below-average support in the SS. Vote buying could easily cover up for his shortfalls in these southern areas. Electoral fraud is bound to occur on a massive scale in the 2019 elections. APC and Buhari would profit more from it than the opposition because they are in control of the nation’s finance and force. With the nepotistic arrangement in place and the forces’ top-down chain of command, all it takes the force heads is to post their loyalists to key states in order to allow the Buharists operate unchecked.

Politics is the switch that controls police operations under IGP Idris Kpotum. Sadly, elections in Nigeria are often marred by so much irregularity that it is quite easy for the umpire and security agencies to manipulate the results. Then again, the force heads have been so political that they have a reason to compromise in order to avoid their imminent sack, if the opposition wins. Buhari is no doubt a strong candidate, but the election is being technically managed in such a way that it would be impossible for him to lose.

INEC and the security agencies operations largely determine the outcome of elections in Nigeria. The heads periodically issue obnoxious orders to their subordinates and questioning or disobeying such orders is treated as an affront, insubordination and disloyalty. The punishment for such is non-promotion, unfavourable transfers, and sometimes death. The boss’ mood dictates the actions of the subordinates, and his wish, whether legal or not, becomes the institution’s mission, especially during elections. Making chauvinistic appointments into agencies operating such a closed system – in a nation where people are more committed to their ethnic groups than to the Nigerian state – is unfortunate for Nigeria’s democracy and a recipe for electoral fraud.

All that concern a presidential election in a plural nation should not be regional. In a polity where the instruments of the state are often used for political gains, a presidential election handled by heads of INEC and security agencies who are northerners, with an incumbent northern candidate running, is beyond doubts programmed not be free, fair, credible or transparent. Such election grievously puts the non-northern candidates in an extremely disadvantaged position. Ethnic affiliation controls emotions in Nigerian elections. Ethnic affection inspired the annulment of the 1993 presidential election won by Moshood Abiola. Babangida wouldn’t have annulled the election if Bashir Tofa (his fellow northerner) won.

Political interests dictate government policies in Nigeria. The Supreme Court ruled that using electronic card readers for voter accreditation is not permissible under the Nigerian electoral laws. The national assembly passed a bill that’ll permit the use of electronic card readers for the 2019 elections, but Buhari declined assent twice. The implication of this is that INEC would have to use the manual means of voter accreditation in 2019 and this would lead to massive electoral fraud.

Buhari must live up to the responsibility of ensuring Nigerians get a free, fair and credible election, and accepting the outcome in good faith if defeated. No matter how hard he tries to be transparent, his nepotistic and chauvinistic conducts, the inability to manage personal interest, autocracy, and hounding the opposition could drive Nigeria’s democracy rearward.

Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]

Modupe Gbadeyanka is a fast-rising journalist with Business Post Nigeria. Her passion for journalism is amazing. She is willing to learn more with a view to becoming one of the best pen-pushers in Nigeria. Her role models are the duo of CNN's Richard Quest and Christiane Amanpour.

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How Stablecoin Can Help in Easing Africa’s Cross-border Remittance Challenges

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stablecoins cross-border challenge

The African stablecoins market is growing. In a region that suffers trade deficits and struggles with efficient foreign exchange remittance channels, the stablecoin boom is a welcome development.

Stablecoins are cryptocurrencies pegged to another variable. For the most part, they are pegged to the US dollar, commodities, and sometimes algorithms, giving the coin a 1:1 value. Most stablecoins are pegged to the US dollar. If stablecoins are pegged to the value of the dollar, which has almost zero volatility, why do people hold them? To have access to critical foreign exchange.

The world thrives on trade. Economic systems are based on the intricate balance between local production and trade with other nations. Since everyone has different comparative advantages, there will always be a need for trade, as each country focuses on its strengths. However, trading often faces limitations. For a region like Africa, foreign exchange is one of the greatest risk factors for efficient trading.

How Do Stablecoins Work?

Stablecoins maintain their pegs via four popular methods: Fiat collateralization, crypto collateralization, algorithmic collateralization, and hybrid collateralization.

Fiat-Collateralized Stablecoins are achieved by maintaining a reserve of fiat currency (like USD or EUR).

Each stablecoin issued is backed by an equivalent amount of the fiat currency held in reserve. Many times, stablecoin companies maintain over-collateralization to ensure maximum stability in case of increased volatility. Tether (USDT) is a good example of a fiat-collateralized stablecoin.

Crypto-Collateralized Stablecoins are stablecoins whose value is pegged to another cryptocurrency. The collateral usually exceeds the value of the stablecoins in circulation to account for crypto volatility.

The peg is maintained by automated systems. If the collateral’s value drops, the system automatically liquidates or requires more collateral to maintain the peg. If the price of the stablecoin rises above the peg, users might borrow against their collateral to buy and burn the stablecoin, reducing supply. Dai (DAI) is an example of a crypto-backed stablecoin that maintains its peg through a system of smart contracts within the MakerDAO protocol.

Algorithmic Stablecoins do not have “tangible” collateral but use algorithms to control supply. They maintain the peg by constantly adjusting the total supply of the stablecoin. When the stablecoin’s price is above the peg, new tokens are minted and sold, increasing supply. When below, tokens are bought back and burned, reducing supply. They are the riskiest type of stablecoin because their effectiveness relies on an algorithm, which could fail or be exploited. Terra Luna is an example of an algorithmic stablecoin. It, however, crashed in 2023, sending the crypto market into a free fall.

Commodity-Pegged Stablecoins are backed by the price of commodities. A good example is PAX Gold (PAXG), a stablecoin issued by Paxos and backed by physical gold.

Hybrid Stablecoins use a combination of the above to maintain the peg. These stablecoins are well-collateralized and also use algorithms to maintain the peg. TrueUSD is an example of a hybrid stablecoin.

How Stablecoins Can Help Ease Africa’s Cross-Border Challenges

If anything is critical in cross-border transactions, it’s speed. Speed is important when sourcing liquidity to meet user needs. A businessman might need to move money urgently to pay his suppliers in China, but delays associated with existing transfer methods might be a stumbling block. This is often a challenge with traditional foreign exchange methods, with many users having to wait hours, if not days, for money to reach their counterparties, sometimes missing deadlines.

Stablecoins, on the other hand, enable faster cross-border payments by eliminating intermediaries and facilitating instant value transfers across countries. For instance, remittance done via the Lightning Network takes seconds to reach the counterparty, while most other networks provide value within a few minutes.

Foreign exchange in Africa does not come cheap. The number of intermediaries required to facilitate a conventional money transfer from country A to B means higher charges. Stablecoins provide a low-cost alternative for remittances and trade by bypassing high transaction fees and costly currency conversions.

Stablecoin transfers mostly cost a few cents to $1 for any amount. This is because middlemen are eliminated, and the only payment made is the network fee. Stablecoins also reduce costs by storing transaction records on a single platform, which is replicated across multiple nodes, thereby streamlining processes. For example, sending $5,000 to a Nigerian account on Wise costs $33.56 in fees. Sending this same money from a Binance USDT wallet only costs $1. The disparity in stablecoin-enabled transfers is enormous.

Although financial inclusion in Africa has improved in countries like Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa, and Senegal in recent years, many African countries still have low financial inclusion levels. For these countries, stablecoins have proven to be an excellent tool for bridging the gap between the banked and the unbanked. Their popularity means people can access foreign exchange even in remote areas with little to no financial infrastructure.

No lengthy processes are needed to transfer money from one jurisdiction to another. This opens up financial integration and fosters economic growth. Businesses in these regions can now sell via exports, import needed raw materials and expertise to add value to goods and services, creating a positive spiral effect on economic development. Businesses like Ledig makes access to liquidity possible for companies with foreign exchange exposure to Africa.

Finally, one of the salient uses of foreign exchange, which is the tool used for cross-border remittances, is its use as an inflationary hedge. Many times, people open domiciliary accounts, not because they want to pay business partners abroad, receive money for imports, or carry out foreign exchange tasks, but because they want to protect their local currencies from inflation.

According to data, the Nigerian Naira was N899 against one dollar on 1st January 2024, but closed the year at N1,538, losing 71% of its value during the year. People often convert their local currencies to avoid these kinds of situations. Businesses, large organizations, and even individuals often convert local currencies to stable ones like the dollar to mitigate value erosion.

With stablecoins, this is not just accessible to those able to undergo the stringent rules for opening domiciliary accounts, but also accessible to everyone with basic means of ID and adulthood. Stablecoins have democratized foreign exchange access in Africa.

With Stablecoins businesses can now tap into the vast global market by curating services and offering them to businesses around the world, without challenges in processing payments. It simplifies cross-border trade for SMEs, freelancers, and businesses by enabling seamless trade settlements and access to global markets without traditional banking barriers.

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Bridging Theory and Practice: Integrating Measurement Education in Tertiary Curriculums

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Integrating Measurement Education

By Philip Odiakose

As a public relations measurement and evaluation expert with more than a decade of experience advocating the integration of measurement and evaluation into communications and PR engagements, I have witnessed firsthand the knowledge gaps that exist in the field.

These gaps are particularly evident in how PR professionals and agencies approach measurement and evaluation. The reality is that the acceptance and best practices of PR measurement and evaluation must start from the classroom.

This is why I strongly believe that measurement and evaluation education must be integrated into the curriculum of Mass Communications, Public Relations, and Media departments in tertiary institutions. It is only through this structured education that we can begin to produce PR professionals who are future-ready, and equipped with the technical know-how to design, measure, and evaluate campaigns effectively.

The absence of measurement and evaluation in the traditional curriculum of many institutions has created a disconnect between the theoretical knowledge taught in schools and the practical realities of the PR profession. Most PR graduates enter the field with a strong understanding of communication strategies but little to no knowledge of how to measure the success of those strategies or how to leverage data for impactful decision-making.

Measurement and evaluation are not just add-ons; they are integral to ensuring accountability, transparency, and effectiveness in PR and communication efforts. Without a foundational understanding of how to measure impact, PR practitioners are left to rely on outdated metrics or superficial indicators that do not reflect true campaign performance.

In this regard, I must commend institutions that have made deliberate efforts to bring real-life and practical measurement experiences into the classroom. One standout example is Covenant University in Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria. Over the years, I have had the privilege of working with the Communications and Media Studies Department, thanks to Dr. Kehinde Oyesomi, who has consistently provided opportunities for her students to learn the basics of measurement and evaluation. This hands-on approach equips students with the analytical mindset required to thrive in the PR and communications industry. By exposing students to real-world applications of measurement, institutions like Covenant University are raising a generation of practitioners who will be better prepared to navigate the complexities of the industry.

Another commendable example is the initiative by the NIGERIAN INSTITUTE OF PUBLIC RELATIONS, LAGOS (Lagos NIPR), which integrated measurement and evaluation education into its curriculum in 2017. This forward-thinking move was driven by a partnership between P+ Measurement Services and the NIPR Lagos leadership at the time, under the chairmanship of Segun Mcmedal.

It is encouraging to see that this initiative has been sustained by the current chairperson, Madam Comfort Obot Nwankwo, reflecting a commitment to continuous learning and professional development. However, this effort must go beyond the Lagos chapter; it is my hope that the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, under the leadership of Dr. Ike Neliaku, will recognize the importance of adopting measurement and evaluation as an integral part of the institute’s curriculum nationwide.

Education is the foundation of knowledge and practice. In the same vein, it is the starting point for the usage, integration, and acceptance of PR measurement and evaluation as a core function within the industry. Without education, we risk perpetuating the cycle of ignorance, where PR professionals fail to understand the value of data-driven insights and fall back on outdated or ineffective practices. To address this, the measurement community must actively champion education as a means to bridge the gap between theory and practice. This is why global initiatives like AMEC Measurement and Evaluation Education Hub under the leadership of Johna Burke are so vital.

As a founding member of #AMECLabInitiative, I am proud to be part of a mission that focuses on skill development, career progression, and knowledge sharing within the global measurement community. AMEC’s efforts to promote education in measurement and evaluation for public relations and communications are critical to ensuring that best practices are not only adopted but also sustained across the industry.

The value of measurement cannot be overstated. It is both the science and the art of public relations, providing a framework for accountability and a pathway to continuous improvement. However, to achieve this, we must first address the root of the problem: the lack of formal education in measurement and evaluation.

By integrating it into the curriculum of universities and professional bodies, we are not only equipping students with the skills they need to succeed but also ensuring that the industry as a whole evolves to meet the demands of a data-driven world. As I often say, “Education is the beginning, the middle, and the end of the acceptance and best practices of measurement.”

In conclusion, I call on tertiary institutions across Nigeria to embrace the integration of measurement and evaluation into their Mass Communications, PR, and Media curriculums. This is not just about equipping students with technical knowledge; it is about shaping the future of the PR profession. Measurement and evaluation are not static; they are dynamic, evolving with trends, tools, and technologies.

By embedding this education into the classroom, we are creating a pipeline of professionals who are not only skilled but also adaptable, innovative, and ready to lead. The future of PR measurement and evaluation lies in education, and it is up to us as practitioners, educators, and industry leaders to ensure that this foundation is built strong and sustained for generations to come.

Philip Odiakose is a leader and advocate of PR measurement, evaluation and media monitoring in Nigeria. He is also the Chief Media Analyst at P+ Measurement Services, a member of AMEC, NIPR and AMCRON

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How to Awaken the Conscience of the World?

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Immigration Quota World Map

By Kingsley Omose

Sharp conflicts have always indicated transformation points to the consciousness of the world and provided pivots. Pivot is a point of articulation, a point at which things balance.

Sharp conflicts, whether it is a world war or (war in) Iraq, has always indicated transformation points to the consciousness of the world and provided pivots to a new design of human actions.

Things change after the world is traumatised or the world has sharp military conflict or collision of the human will in the earth has always provided pivot points or transformation points to the world’s consciousness.

We look at these events, look at the terrible things that are taking place, but behind that we recognise the fact that things are shifting to new positions.” Dr. Noel Woodroffe on Core Imperatives for Successful Nation Development

Gandhi used the principle of embracing personal suffering from your oppressor without retaliation to wake the conscience of your oppressor and make him stop the oppression to free India from British colonial rule.

In doing this, Gandhi had pointed to Jesus Christ as showing the way to embracing the principle of embracing unjust personal suffering visited on him by those he came to save to awaken the conscience of humanity to the path of reconciliation with its Creator, God.

Gandhi set up unarmed Indian protesters to defy unjust British laws and policies and then for these Indians to resort with non-violence when the British Army made up principally of Indians visited them with violence in return.

While Gandhi used the principle from a majority population perspective, Martin Luther King Jr. took the same principle and applied it from a Black minority population perspective to awake the conscience of the dominant white population in the US to the evils of segregation.

He simply organised Black protesters to defy the segregation policy and not to respond with violence when the police in the South came to enforce segregation with brutality and unwarranted violence before the American media who were on hand to record it.

This was what gave birth to the Civil Rights Act in the US ending segregation and legal racial discrimination, amongst others. Hamas deviated substantially from Gandhi and Martin Lutther King Jr. in that its application of the principle was triggered through violence and killing of over 1,200 Israelis during its border invasion on October 7, 2023.

The issue before Hamas was how a minority population brings the attention of the world to Israel’s biggest open air fenced prison in the world with over 2.5 million Palestinians, and by extension, the issue of a Palestinian state.

First, without the knowledge of the 2.5 million Palestinians in Gaza, Hamas dug tens of thousands of kilometres of tunnels deep underneath Gaza.

Then, on October 7, 2023, Hamas and its allies broke through reinforced concrete walls separating Gaza from Israel, invaded some neighbouring communities, killed over 1,200 people, and forcefully took over 200 Israeli captive back with them into the tunnels underneath Gaza.

An enraged Israel with its Western allies reacting to what they regarded as a massacre swallowed the bait, and what the world has witnessed live on all media platforms in the last 13 months has been a morden defining of what constitutes genocide as the full military might of Israel and its Western allies was visited on an unarmed nonviolent Palestinian population in Gaza.

Make no mistake, implementing this strategy came at great cost to Hamas and its leaders, but what has shaken a watching world to its core has been the resulting violence and suffering visited on over 2.5 million unarmed Palestinians, mostly women and children, by the Israeli government and military with the support of its Western allies.

A peace deal has now been brokered between Israel and Hamas facilitated by Donald Trump using a 3-stage peace plan earlier put forward by the Biden administration, starting with the exchange of prisoners between both sides.

But be assured that just as happened in India gaining independence from the British with the help of Gandhi, and with the civil rights movement in the US spearheaded by Martin Luther King Jr., the Palestinian cause is now a global issue thanks to the actions of Israel and its Western allies in the last 13 months.

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