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The Saraki Led Senate: A Midterm Assessment

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By Omoshola Deji

The Nigerian legislative arm of government, comprising the Senate and the House of Representatives, is rarely in the good books of the public. No congregation of legislators in Nigeria has arguably suffered public condemnation like the 8th Senate. Some learned figures and media commentators at a point moved beyond reproach to demand the scrap of the Senate. They question the significance of debated bills, the running costs of bicameralism, the motives behind oversight functions and brand legislative summons as vendetta. Right on time, this trending doubt on the necessity and the credibility of the Senate amplifies the need for an assessment of its accomplishments and shortcomings.

The Nigerian Senate is largely a gathering of prominent, but inefficient persons. Majority of the legislators are ex-occupiers of vital public positions, but virtually none of them has a distinct record of public service. The Senate seems to be the most preferred retiring ground for power-addicted ex-governors, ex-military officers, ex-party chairmen, political juggernauts, industrialists and the stupendously wealthy. Aside that these bigwigs have done almost nothing to better the lot of the have-nots in their communities, not to mention constituency, most of them are enmeshed in controversies, scandals and allegations of monumental corruption.

The Senate President is standing trial for false asset declaration at the Code of Conduct Tribunal. Change is indeed here! A foremost figure of the ruling party and chief lawmaker is facing the law. Apparently, Saraki’s ordeal is twisted in twists. Only a member of the ruling inner caucus can affirm whether Saraki prosecution is genuinely based on alleged infractions or he is being persecuted for orchestrating a political coup against his party to emerge Senate President. Either ways, Saraki’s integrity to hold public office has been badly tainted; he is broadly considered a symbol of corruption.

Undeterred, Saraki has resolutely fought to remain the Senate president. The unalloyed support of a substantial number of the senators remains his shield and armor. The pro-Saraki senators have ruthlessly relegated their anti-Saraki counterparts to benchwarmer. Since the presidency is unwilling to smokescreen corrupt conducts, the pro-Saraki senators have played a no-friend no-foe game in the discharge of their oversight duties. They swiftly draw attention to the flaws of the Presidency and publicize investigation findings.

One of such findings that remains a key accomplishment of the Senate is that of her committee on the Mounting Humanitarian Crisis in the North East. The Shehu Sani led committee unraveled the alleged corrupt practices of Babachir Lawal, the suspended Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF). Babachir was indicted of awarding N233million invasive-plant-species (grass) clearing contract to firms he has strong stakes in. Presenting a temporary report at plenary, Shehu Sani throw up mindboggling evidences that Babachir received kickbacks of over N200 million into the account of Rholavision Nigeria Limited – a firm he co-founded and remains an account signatory. Upon concluding the investigation, Sani lamented during plenary that Babachir actually misappropriated over N500 million. Impenitently, Babachir’s arrogance and pronouncement that the senators are “talking balderdash” triggered the Senate’s determination that justice must take its course. Their persistence largely led to the suspension and ongoing investigation of Babachir.

Anyone proclaiming there’s nothing good about the Senate is merely tendering a malicious criticism. The 8th Senate just passed the first out of the three-part Petroleum Industry Bill. The Senate is worth commending for passing a 17year old bill that outlived the 5th, 6th and 7th Senate. Aside that, the Senate has shown commitment towards ensuring transparency and equality in the operations of government agencies. The Senate has mandated its committee to investigate the lopsided DSS recruitment that mainly favored some northern states. Instead of the allocated five slot per state, 51 persons were recruited from Katsina, the home state of President Buhari and the DSS Director-General, Lawal Daura.

It could also be recalled that the Senate compelled the Customs Comptroller General, Hameed Ali, to stay action on the plan to collect import duties from vehicle users across the country. Worth commending, you and I would have been paying for customs inefficiency, if the Senate didn’t condemn Ali’s obnoxious policy. Nonetheless, customs officers are using the policy to extort the public without authorization. The Senate is also challenging the electricity distribution companies over high electricity tariffs and inefficient service delivery. Efforts are being made to ensure metering determines actual consumption. When this is fully effected, the astronomical monthly billing termed ‘cost reflective tariff’ would be abolished.

On financial issues, it would be flattery to label the senators prudent, but their rejection of Buhari’s request to borrow $29.960 billion abroad is worthy of applaud. Although the loan is supposedly meant to finance the provision of key infrastructures across the country, it is ludicrous to borrow for infrastructures that cannot generate enough funds to repay the debt. Besides, Buhari’s health challenges would have paved way for his aides to squander and embezzle a significant portion of the loan. If not for the resistance of the Senate, our unborn generation would have been plunged into slavery. The burden of the soft-looking, but hard to fulfill loan conditions would force them to follow the dependency economic dictates of the western nations. Not again! Nigeria is yet to recover from the afflictions of Ibrahim Babangida’s Structural Adjustment Program (SAP).

Startlingly, the senators shielding Nigeria from the bondage of foreign loans are enchaining Nigerians with their insatiable greed and unscrupulousness. They earn humongous salary and allowances to deprive the masses comfort. Their prodigal pay is nearly 200 times the nation’s GDP per capita and 10,000 times the minimum wage. While many Nigerians sleep hungry, the legislatures allotted themselves a whopping N13 billion for refreshment, travels and welfare in the 2017 budget. Still not contended, they corruptly enrich themselves via constituency project allocations and budget padding. Sadly, the amenities in their constituencies are either dilapidated, unmanaged or non-existing. In a time of recession when the price of commodities has doubled, the Senate’s budget increased while the minimum wage remains unchanged.

Resigning to fate cannot bring us change! If relentless protest can force the legislators to publish their hidden budget, then we all must remonstrate till the senator’s lack of conscience seize to fuel our inconvenience. Despite been sufficiently remunerated, most of the senators don’t attend sittings regularly. Many just attend as observers – nothing to contribute. In fact, the contributions of the vocal lawmakers are often below what is expected of a senator. Unfortunately, the below-average intelligence quotient of most of the senators affects the thinking of the chamber and the quality of motions presented.

Be that as it may, the Senate has protected democracy by condemning coup intents and embracing electoral reforms. The lawmakers ensured no state is denied representation by compelling the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conclude the legislative elections in Rivers state. A day after the senators threatened to suspend sittings till every state is properly represented, INEC swiftly scheduled dates for the conclusion of virtually all non-concluded elections. While the senators must be commended for entrenching democracy, they have ceased to walk the talk.

The same cabal of senators that condemned Rivers de-representation are currently denying Borno South representation via the suspension of Ali Ndume – an estranged ally of Saraki. Ndume bagged a six month suspension for bringing unproved allegations of certificate forgery against Dino Melaye and the avenging of seized bulletproof Range Rover against Saraki. Despite pleas from the Borno state governor, elders and traditional rulers, the Senate has refused to lift Ndume’s suspension. Evidently, the suspension of Ndume is to wholly dissipate the mutinous moves of the anti-Saraki senators.

The Saraki cabal has also proven to be proficient in facilitating the rejection of any bill or nomination they interpret as a threat to their interest. This made many predict the rejection of Ibrahim Magu as the chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Magu’s rejection is a tale of many tails. President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) crushed Magu by allowing him act for too long. Unfortunately, the DSS – an agency under PMB – helped the Senate nail Magu by submitting and resubmitting damning reports against him. To be candid, the Senate would have ridiculed itself if Magu was confirmed the EFCC chairman with such an indicting report.

Even if the DSS had cleared Magu, the rejection or confirmation of nominations is absolutely the discretion of the Senate. No law says anyone presented to the Senate must be confirmed. Nevertheless, it was quite obvious that the senators used their constitutional power to avert the imminent imprisonment of their corrupt colleagues. In truth, most individuals castigating the senators wouldn’t have scored a ruinous own-goal in such circumstance.

Nigerians insistence on Magu shows our level of retrograde. In a nation of over 150million population, it is depressing to see people fuming as if all that is needed to end corruption is Magu. In an ideal world, a hundred of better Magu should be readily available to replace a rejected Magu. Sadly, Nigeria has been – and still prefers to be – building strong individuals rather than building strong institutions.

The Senate is as guilty as the Presidency. Deliberations on the passage of the 2017 budget ceased upon Senator Dajuma Goje’s outburst that police raid his home and confiscated budget documents. In a show of legislative infamy, the Senate backed Goje by insisting that budget scrutiny can’t proceed until the police release his belongings. What a strategic way of blackmailing the police! Are other members of the Appropriation Committee not having copies of the documents in Goje’s possession? Could the institutional arrangements in the Senate be so weak that Goje-is-budget and budget-is-Goje? Apparently, shielding Goje from criminal investigation appears more important to Saraki than national welfare.

Dilemma is when the undesirable becomes the unavoidable. The executive and the ruling party are ostensibly not comfortable with Saraki, but the Senate he leads is pivotal to the success of this administration. The presidency and the legislature must work together on policies that can move Nigeria forward. Any am-not-wanted feeling will further make Saraki a friendly serpent. In plain sight, the commendable efforts of the Senate has been largely misinterpreted or unappreciated due to a public perception that the legislators are not progressives.

Nevertheless, the senators are always anti-people whenever their interest collides with public interest. Saraki is helpless in this regard. He must align with the majority, else he would be uprooted. It is obvious Saraki cannot afford to lose. He would rather associate with any available protective force than face mutiny or conviction at the Code of Conduct Tribunal. If he loses in court, unlike Obasanjo, his own episode would be from power to prison.

Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]

Modupe Gbadeyanka is a fast-rising journalist with Business Post Nigeria. Her passion for journalism is amazing. She is willing to learn more with a view to becoming one of the best pen-pushers in Nigeria. Her role models are the duo of CNN's Richard Quest and Christiane Amanpour.

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AI, IoT and the New IT Agenda for Nigeria’s Growth

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IT Agenda for Nigeria growth Fola Baderin

By Fola Baderin

By 2030, more than 25 billion devices are expected to be connected worldwide, each one a potential gateway for both innovation and risk. Already, 87% of companies identify AI as a top business priority, and over 76% are actively using AI in their operations. These numbers reflect a profound shift: technology is no longer a backstage support act but a strategic force shaping economies, societies, and everyday life.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT) sit at the heart of this transformation. Together, they are redefining how decisions are made, how risks are managed, and how value is created across industries. From hospitals monitoring patients in real time to banks using predictive analytics to stop fraud before it happens, AI and IoT are moving from abstract concepts to everyday business tools.

Yet this expansion comes with complexity. As organisations embrace cloud platforms, remote work, and IoT‑enabled systems, their digital footprints grow larger, and so do the threats. Cybersecurity has become a frontline issue, no longer a technical afterthought but a pillar of resilience and trust.

The role of IT has changed dramatically. Once focused on maintenance and uptime, IT teams now sit at the centre of strategy and risk management. Cloud‑first architectures and interconnected networks have introduced new vulnerabilities, forcing IT leaders to act not just as problem‑solvers but as proactive partners in innovation.

AI is proving indispensable in this new environment. It can analyse vast datasets, detect anomalies, and automate responses at machine speed, capabilities that traditional approaches simply cannot match. Combined with IoT, AI delivers real‑time visibility across connected devices, enabling predictive maintenance, intelligent monitoring, and faster decision‑making. These are not abstract benefits; they are the difference between preventing a cyberattack in seconds or suffering a costly breach.

But the story is not only about opportunity. The rapid adoption of AI and IoT raises pressing questions about ethics, privacy, and governance. Automated decision‑making must be transparent, accountable, and fair. Organisations also face a widening skills gap, as demand for professionals who can responsibly manage advanced technologies outpaces supply.

Striking the right balance between innovation and control is essential. Security‑by‑design principles, strong governance frameworks, and continuous risk assessment are no longer optional extras. They are the foundation for trust in a digital economy.

Looking ahead, IT will continue to evolve as AI and IoT become embedded in everyday operations. Success depends not only on adopting advanced technologies, but on aligning them with business goals, regulations, and culture.

For Nigeria, this transformation is both a challenge and an opportunity. With its vibrant fintech sector, growing digital economy, and youthful workforce, the country is well‑placed to harness AI and IoT for growth. Lagos alone hosts hundreds of startups experimenting with AI‑driven financial services, while smart city initiatives in Abuja and other urban centres are exploring IoT for traffic management, energy efficiency, and public safety.

At the same time, Nigeria faces unique vulnerabilities. The country has one of the fastest‑growing internet populations in Africa, but also one of the most targeted by cybercriminals. Reports suggest that Africa loses over $4 billion annually to cybercrime, with Nigeria accounting for a significant share. As more devices and systems come online, the stakes will only rise.

Government policy will play a decisive role. Nigeria’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020–2030) already highlights AI and IoT as critical enablers of growth. But translating policy into practice requires investment in infrastructure, stronger regulatory frameworks, and public‑private collaboration. Without these, the promise of AI and IoT could be undermined by weak security and poor governance.

Education and skills development are equally vital. Nigeria’s youthful population which is over 60% under the age of 25 represents a massive opportunity if properly trained. Universities and technical institutes must integrate AI, cybersecurity, and IoT into their curricula, while businesses should invest in continuous upskilling. Otherwise, the skills gap will widen, leaving organisations vulnerable and innovation stunted.

Ethics and trust must also remain central. Nigerians are increasingly aware of data privacy concerns, from mobile banking to health records. Embedding transparency and accountability into AI systems will be critical for public acceptance. Leaders must ensure that innovation does not come at the cost of fairness or human rights.

Real‑world examples already show the potential. Nigerian hospitals are beginning to explore AI‑enabled diagnostic tools, while logistics companies use IoT to track deliveries in real time. These innovations demonstrate how technology can improve lives and strengthen businesses, but they also highlight the need for robust safeguards.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will be shaped not only by technology but by leadership. IT leaders, policymakers, and entrepreneurs who embrace AI and IoT responsibly with a clear focus on security, ethics, and long‑term value creation. This will be best positioned to navigate an increasingly complex threat landscape. The question is no longer whether to adopt these technologies, but how to do so in a way that builds resilience, trust, and sustainable growth for Nigeria’s digital economy.

Fola Baderin is a cybersecurity consultant and AI advocate focused on shaping Nigeria’s digital future

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NNPC’s $1.42bn, N5.57trn Debt Write-Off and Test of Nigeria’s Fiscal Governance

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bayo ojulari nnpc

By Blaise Udunze

When the federal government approved the write-off of about $1.42 billion and N5.57 trillion in legacy debts owed by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) to the Federation Account, it was rightly described as a landmark decision. After years of disputes, reconciliations, and contested figures, Nigeria’s most important revenue institution was, at least on paper, given a cleaner slate.

The approval, contained in a report prepared by the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and presented at the last year November meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), effectively wiped out 96 percent of NNPC’s dollar-denominated obligations and 88 percent of its naira liabilities accumulated up to December 31, 2024. It resolved long-standing balances arising from crude oil liftings, joint venture royalties, production-sharing contracts, and related arrangements.

Judging it critically, the decision carries both promise and peril, but can be viewed from the perspective of a country desperate to restore confidence in public finance management. It offers an opportunity to reset relationships, clean up accounting records, and move forward under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Yet, it also exposes deep structural weaknesses in Nigeria’s oil revenue governance, weaknesses that, if left unaddressed, could turn today’s debt relief into tomorrow’s fiscal regret.

Context matters. The debt write-off comes not during a period of revenue abundance, but at a time when Nigeria’s upstream revenue performance is under severe strain. According to the same NUPRC document, the commission missed its approved monthly revenue target for November 2025 by N544.76 billion, collecting only N660.04 billion against a projected N1.204 trillion.

Royalty receipts, the backbone of upstream revenue, tell an even starker story. It is alarming that against an approved monthly royalty projection of N1.144 trillion, only N605.26 billion was collected, leaving a shortfall of N538.92 billion. Cumulatively, by the end of November 2025, the revenue gap stood at N5.65 trillion, with royalty collections alone falling short by N5.63 trillion. These figures underscore how fragile Nigeria’s fiscal position remains, even as trillions of naira in historical obligations are being written off.

To be fair, the debts forgiven were not incurred overnight. They are the product of years of disputed remittances, lacking transparent accounting practices, and overlapping institutional roles, particularly under the pre-PIA regime. As petroleum economist Prof. Wumi Iledare has repeatedly observed, the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation combined regulatory, commercial, and operational functions, making revenue reconciliation cumbersome and frequently contested.

That legacy continues to haunt the system, as witnessed with the ongoing dispute between NNPC Ltd and Periscope Consulting, the audit firm engaged by the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, over an alleged $42.37 billion under-remittance between 2011 and 2017, which illustrates how unresolved the past remains. Though NNPC insists all revenues were properly accounted for as claimed, Periscope maintains that significant gaps persist, forcing FAAC to mandate yet another reconciliation exercise. This recurring pattern of audits, counterclaims, and stalemates has weakened trust in the federation revenue system and eroded confidence among states that depend on oil proceeds for survival.

Crucially, the debt write-off does not mean NNPC has turned a corner financially. Statutory obligations incurred between January and October 2025 remain on the books, amounting to about $56.8 million and N1.02 trillion. Although part of the dollar component was recovered during the period under review, the accumulation of new liabilities so soon after reconciliation raises uncomfortable questions about whether old habits are being replaced with genuine fiscal discipline.

More troubling still is what NNPC’s own audited financial statements reveal about its internal financial health. Despite recording a profit after tax of N5.4 trillion on revenues of N45.1 trillion in 2024, the company’s inter-company debts ballooned to N30.3 trillion, representing a 70 per cent increase within a single year. This is not debt owed to external creditors but largely obligations between NNPC and its subsidiaries, effectively the company owing itself.

Records show that of 32 subsidiaries, only eight are debt-free, and the rest, particularly the refineries, trading arms, and gas infrastructure units, remain heavily indebted to the parent company. There was a recurring cycle where profitable units subsidise chronically underperforming ones, and accountability steadily erodes because cash that should fund maintenance, expansion, and efficiency improvements is instead trapped in internal receivables.

The refineries offer a stark illustration whereby the Port Harcourt Refining Company alone owed N4.22 trillion in 2024, more than double its 2023 figure, while Kaduna and Warri refineries followed closely, with debts of N2.39 trillion and N2.06 trillion respectively. Despite the repeated failed turnaround maintenance with many years of rehabilitation spending, none have operated sustainably at commercially viable levels. Their continued dependence on financial support from the parent company highlights the cost of postponing difficult restructuring decisions.

And, for this reason, international observers have long warned about these structural weaknesses. One of the critics, the World Bank, has repeatedly flagged NNPC as a major source of revenue leakages. It further noted that the persistent gaps between reported earnings and actual remittances to the Federation Account. Even after the removal of petrol subsidies, the bank observed that NNPC remitted only about 50 per cent of the revenue gains, using the rest to offset past arrears. Such practices, while perhaps defensible in internal cash management terms, undermine fiscal transparency and weaken Nigeria’s macroeconomic credibility.

This is why the central issue is not the debt write-off itself, but what follows it because debt forgiveness is not reform. Without firm safeguards, it risks entrenching the very behaviours that created the problem in the first place. As Prof. Omowumi Iledare has warned, the scale and pace of the inter-company debt build-up represent a governance test rather than a mere accounting anomaly. Allowing subsidiaries to operate indefinitely without settling obligations is incompatible with the idea of a commercially driven national oil company.

The fact remains that if NNPC wants to function as a true commercial holding company under the PIA, it must enforce strict settlement timelines, restructure or divest non-viable subsidiaries, while clearly separating legacy debts from new obligations. With this, it holds subsidiary leadership accountable for cash flow and profitability. Independent, real-time audits and transparent reporting must become routine features of governance, not emergency responses triggered by controversy.

There is also a broader national implication. At a time when Nigerians are being asked to accept higher taxes, reduced subsidies, and fiscal tightening, large-scale debt write-offs without visible accountability risk undermining the legitimacy of the entire revenue system. Citizens cannot be expected to bear heavier burdens while systemic inefficiencies in the country’s most strategic sector persist.

Of a truth, the cancellation of NNPC’s legacy debts could mark a turning point in Nigeria’s fiscal governance, but only if it is not treated as its conclusion but the beginning of reform.

If discipline, transparency, and commercial accountability follow, the decision may yet help reposition NNPC as a profitable, credible, and PIA-compliant institution. If not, today’s clean slate will simply defer the reckoning until the next reconciliation, the next audit dispute, and the next fiscal crisis.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]

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Taxation Without Representation

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Austin Orette Taxation Without Representation

By Dr Austin Orette

The grandiosity of Nigerians when they discuss events and situations can be very funny. If the leaders use this kind of creativity in proffering solutions, we may be able to solve some of the problems that plague Nigeria perennially.

There seems to be a sublime affectation for new lingos when the system is being set to punish Nigerians. It is a kind of Orwellian speak.

Recently, there was no electricity throughout the country. The usual culprit and government spoke; people came out to tell us the power failure was due to the collapse of the National grid. Does it really matter what is collapsing? This is just an attempt by some government bureaucrats to sound intelligent.

Intelligence is becoming a borrowed commodity from the IMF or World Bank. What does it mean when you tell Nigerians that the national grid collapsed? Is that supposed to be a reassurance, or it is said to give the assurance that they know something about the anemic electricity, and we should get used to the darkness. This is a language that is vague and beckons the consumer to stop complaining. Does that statement mean anything to Nigerians who pay bills and don’t see the electricity they paid for? If they see it, it comes with an irregular voltage that destroys their newly purchased appliances. Just tell or stay quiet like in the past.

Telling us that a grid collapse is a lie. We have no national grid. Do these people know how silly their language sounds? Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts of electricity for a population of 200 million people. How do you permutate this to give constant electricity to 200 million people? It is an insult to call this low output a national grid. What is so national about using a generator to supply electricity to 200 million people? It is simple mathematics. If you calculate this to the minute, it should not surprise you that every Nigerian will receive electricity for the duration of the blink of an eye. They are paying for total darkness, and someone is telling them they have an electricity grid.

If you can call the 10,000-megawatt national grid collapsed, it means you don’t have the mind set to solve the electricity problem in Nigeria.

To put it in perspective is to understand the basic fact that the electrical output of Nigeria is pre-industrial. Without acknowledging this fact, we will never find solutions as every mediocre will come and confuse Nigeria with lingos that make them sound important.

It is very shameful for those in the know to always use grandiose language to obfuscate the real issues.

South Africa with a population of sixty million produces about 200,000 megawatts of electricity daily. Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts. Why South Africa makes it easy to lift the poor from poverty, Nigeria is trying to tax the poor into poverty.

The architects of the new tax plan saw the poor as rich because they could afford a generator.

A non-existent subsidy was removed, and the price of fuel went through the roof. Now the government says they are rich. What will they get in return for this tax extraction? Why do successive Nigerian governments always think the best way to develop Nigeria is to slap the poor into poverty? What are the avenues for upward mobility when youth corps members are suddenly seen as rich taxpayers? Do these people know how difficult it is to start a business in Nigeria?

After all the rigmarole from Abuja to my village, I cannot get a government certificate without a-shake down from government bureaucrats and area boys. The government that is so unfriendly to business wants to tax my non-existing businesses. Are these people in their right state of mind? Why do they think that taxing the poor is their best revenue plan? A plan like this can only come from a group of people who have no inkling of what Nigerians are going through. People can’t eat and the government is asking them to share their meager rations with potbellied people in Abuja.

Teach the people how to fish, then you can share in their harvest. If an individual does what the government is doing to Nigerians, it will be called robbery, and the individual will be in prison. When the government taxes people, there is a reciprocal exchange. What is being done in Nigeria does not represent fair exchange.

Nigerians have never gotten anything good from their government except individual wealth that is doled out in Abuja for the selected few.

The question is, will Nigerians have a good electricity supply? NO. Will they have security of persons and properties? No. Will they have improved health care? NO. Will there be good roads? No. Will they have good schools and good education? No.

Taxation is not good governance. A policy like this should never be rushed without adequate studies. Once again, our legislators have let us down. They have never shown the people the reason they were elected and to be re-elected. They are not playing their roles as the watchdog and representatives of the people. Anyone who voted for this tax bill deserves to lose their positions as Senators and Members of the House of Representatives.

We are not in a military regime anymore. Nigerians must start learning how to exercise their franchise. This taxation issue must be litigated at the ballot box. The members of the National Assembly have shown by their assent that they don’t represent the people.

In a normal democracy, taxation without representation should never be tolerated. They must be voted out of office. We have a responsibility and duty to use our voting power to fight unjust laws. Taxation without representation is unjust. Those voted into power will never respect the citizens until the citizens learn to punish errant politicians by voting them out of office. This responsibility is sacred and must be exercised with diligence.

Dr Austin Orette writes from Houston, Texas

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