Connect with us

Feature/OPED

The Saraki Led Senate: A Midterm Assessment

Published

on

By Omoshola Deji

The Nigerian legislative arm of government, comprising the Senate and the House of Representatives, is rarely in the good books of the public. No congregation of legislators in Nigeria has arguably suffered public condemnation like the 8th Senate. Some learned figures and media commentators at a point moved beyond reproach to demand the scrap of the Senate. They question the significance of debated bills, the running costs of bicameralism, the motives behind oversight functions and brand legislative summons as vendetta. Right on time, this trending doubt on the necessity and the credibility of the Senate amplifies the need for an assessment of its accomplishments and shortcomings.

The Nigerian Senate is largely a gathering of prominent, but inefficient persons. Majority of the legislators are ex-occupiers of vital public positions, but virtually none of them has a distinct record of public service. The Senate seems to be the most preferred retiring ground for power-addicted ex-governors, ex-military officers, ex-party chairmen, political juggernauts, industrialists and the stupendously wealthy. Aside that these bigwigs have done almost nothing to better the lot of the have-nots in their communities, not to mention constituency, most of them are enmeshed in controversies, scandals and allegations of monumental corruption.

The Senate President is standing trial for false asset declaration at the Code of Conduct Tribunal. Change is indeed here! A foremost figure of the ruling party and chief lawmaker is facing the law. Apparently, Saraki’s ordeal is twisted in twists. Only a member of the ruling inner caucus can affirm whether Saraki prosecution is genuinely based on alleged infractions or he is being persecuted for orchestrating a political coup against his party to emerge Senate President. Either ways, Saraki’s integrity to hold public office has been badly tainted; he is broadly considered a symbol of corruption.

Undeterred, Saraki has resolutely fought to remain the Senate president. The unalloyed support of a substantial number of the senators remains his shield and armor. The pro-Saraki senators have ruthlessly relegated their anti-Saraki counterparts to benchwarmer. Since the presidency is unwilling to smokescreen corrupt conducts, the pro-Saraki senators have played a no-friend no-foe game in the discharge of their oversight duties. They swiftly draw attention to the flaws of the Presidency and publicize investigation findings.

One of such findings that remains a key accomplishment of the Senate is that of her committee on the Mounting Humanitarian Crisis in the North East. The Shehu Sani led committee unraveled the alleged corrupt practices of Babachir Lawal, the suspended Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF). Babachir was indicted of awarding N233million invasive-plant-species (grass) clearing contract to firms he has strong stakes in. Presenting a temporary report at plenary, Shehu Sani throw up mindboggling evidences that Babachir received kickbacks of over N200 million into the account of Rholavision Nigeria Limited – a firm he co-founded and remains an account signatory. Upon concluding the investigation, Sani lamented during plenary that Babachir actually misappropriated over N500 million. Impenitently, Babachir’s arrogance and pronouncement that the senators are “talking balderdash” triggered the Senate’s determination that justice must take its course. Their persistence largely led to the suspension and ongoing investigation of Babachir.

Anyone proclaiming there’s nothing good about the Senate is merely tendering a malicious criticism. The 8th Senate just passed the first out of the three-part Petroleum Industry Bill. The Senate is worth commending for passing a 17year old bill that outlived the 5th, 6th and 7th Senate. Aside that, the Senate has shown commitment towards ensuring transparency and equality in the operations of government agencies. The Senate has mandated its committee to investigate the lopsided DSS recruitment that mainly favored some northern states. Instead of the allocated five slot per state, 51 persons were recruited from Katsina, the home state of President Buhari and the DSS Director-General, Lawal Daura.

It could also be recalled that the Senate compelled the Customs Comptroller General, Hameed Ali, to stay action on the plan to collect import duties from vehicle users across the country. Worth commending, you and I would have been paying for customs inefficiency, if the Senate didn’t condemn Ali’s obnoxious policy. Nonetheless, customs officers are using the policy to extort the public without authorization. The Senate is also challenging the electricity distribution companies over high electricity tariffs and inefficient service delivery. Efforts are being made to ensure metering determines actual consumption. When this is fully effected, the astronomical monthly billing termed ‘cost reflective tariff’ would be abolished.

On financial issues, it would be flattery to label the senators prudent, but their rejection of Buhari’s request to borrow $29.960 billion abroad is worthy of applaud. Although the loan is supposedly meant to finance the provision of key infrastructures across the country, it is ludicrous to borrow for infrastructures that cannot generate enough funds to repay the debt. Besides, Buhari’s health challenges would have paved way for his aides to squander and embezzle a significant portion of the loan. If not for the resistance of the Senate, our unborn generation would have been plunged into slavery. The burden of the soft-looking, but hard to fulfill loan conditions would force them to follow the dependency economic dictates of the western nations. Not again! Nigeria is yet to recover from the afflictions of Ibrahim Babangida’s Structural Adjustment Program (SAP).

Startlingly, the senators shielding Nigeria from the bondage of foreign loans are enchaining Nigerians with their insatiable greed and unscrupulousness. They earn humongous salary and allowances to deprive the masses comfort. Their prodigal pay is nearly 200 times the nation’s GDP per capita and 10,000 times the minimum wage. While many Nigerians sleep hungry, the legislatures allotted themselves a whopping N13 billion for refreshment, travels and welfare in the 2017 budget. Still not contended, they corruptly enrich themselves via constituency project allocations and budget padding. Sadly, the amenities in their constituencies are either dilapidated, unmanaged or non-existing. In a time of recession when the price of commodities has doubled, the Senate’s budget increased while the minimum wage remains unchanged.

Resigning to fate cannot bring us change! If relentless protest can force the legislators to publish their hidden budget, then we all must remonstrate till the senator’s lack of conscience seize to fuel our inconvenience. Despite been sufficiently remunerated, most of the senators don’t attend sittings regularly. Many just attend as observers – nothing to contribute. In fact, the contributions of the vocal lawmakers are often below what is expected of a senator. Unfortunately, the below-average intelligence quotient of most of the senators affects the thinking of the chamber and the quality of motions presented.

Be that as it may, the Senate has protected democracy by condemning coup intents and embracing electoral reforms. The lawmakers ensured no state is denied representation by compelling the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conclude the legislative elections in Rivers state. A day after the senators threatened to suspend sittings till every state is properly represented, INEC swiftly scheduled dates for the conclusion of virtually all non-concluded elections. While the senators must be commended for entrenching democracy, they have ceased to walk the talk.

The same cabal of senators that condemned Rivers de-representation are currently denying Borno South representation via the suspension of Ali Ndume – an estranged ally of Saraki. Ndume bagged a six month suspension for bringing unproved allegations of certificate forgery against Dino Melaye and the avenging of seized bulletproof Range Rover against Saraki. Despite pleas from the Borno state governor, elders and traditional rulers, the Senate has refused to lift Ndume’s suspension. Evidently, the suspension of Ndume is to wholly dissipate the mutinous moves of the anti-Saraki senators.

The Saraki cabal has also proven to be proficient in facilitating the rejection of any bill or nomination they interpret as a threat to their interest. This made many predict the rejection of Ibrahim Magu as the chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Magu’s rejection is a tale of many tails. President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) crushed Magu by allowing him act for too long. Unfortunately, the DSS – an agency under PMB – helped the Senate nail Magu by submitting and resubmitting damning reports against him. To be candid, the Senate would have ridiculed itself if Magu was confirmed the EFCC chairman with such an indicting report.

Even if the DSS had cleared Magu, the rejection or confirmation of nominations is absolutely the discretion of the Senate. No law says anyone presented to the Senate must be confirmed. Nevertheless, it was quite obvious that the senators used their constitutional power to avert the imminent imprisonment of their corrupt colleagues. In truth, most individuals castigating the senators wouldn’t have scored a ruinous own-goal in such circumstance.

Nigerians insistence on Magu shows our level of retrograde. In a nation of over 150million population, it is depressing to see people fuming as if all that is needed to end corruption is Magu. In an ideal world, a hundred of better Magu should be readily available to replace a rejected Magu. Sadly, Nigeria has been – and still prefers to be – building strong individuals rather than building strong institutions.

The Senate is as guilty as the Presidency. Deliberations on the passage of the 2017 budget ceased upon Senator Dajuma Goje’s outburst that police raid his home and confiscated budget documents. In a show of legislative infamy, the Senate backed Goje by insisting that budget scrutiny can’t proceed until the police release his belongings. What a strategic way of blackmailing the police! Are other members of the Appropriation Committee not having copies of the documents in Goje’s possession? Could the institutional arrangements in the Senate be so weak that Goje-is-budget and budget-is-Goje? Apparently, shielding Goje from criminal investigation appears more important to Saraki than national welfare.

Dilemma is when the undesirable becomes the unavoidable. The executive and the ruling party are ostensibly not comfortable with Saraki, but the Senate he leads is pivotal to the success of this administration. The presidency and the legislature must work together on policies that can move Nigeria forward. Any am-not-wanted feeling will further make Saraki a friendly serpent. In plain sight, the commendable efforts of the Senate has been largely misinterpreted or unappreciated due to a public perception that the legislators are not progressives.

Nevertheless, the senators are always anti-people whenever their interest collides with public interest. Saraki is helpless in this regard. He must align with the majority, else he would be uprooted. It is obvious Saraki cannot afford to lose. He would rather associate with any available protective force than face mutiny or conviction at the Code of Conduct Tribunal. If he loses in court, unlike Obasanjo, his own episode would be from power to prison.

Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]

Modupe Gbadeyanka is a fast-rising journalist with Business Post Nigeria. Her passion for journalism is amazing. She is willing to learn more with a view to becoming one of the best pen-pushers in Nigeria. Her role models are the duo of CNN's Richard Quest and Christiane Amanpour.

Feature/OPED

When Stability Matters: Gauging Gusau’s Quiet Wins for Nigerian Football

Published

on

NFF President Ibrahim Musa Gusau

By Barr. Adefila Kamal

Football in Nigeria has never been just a sport. It is emotion, argument, nationalism, and sometimes heartbreak wrapped into ninety minutes. That passion is a gift, but it often comes with a tendency to shout down progress before it has the chance to grow. In the middle of this noise sits the Nigeria Football Federation under the leadership of Ibrahim Musa Gusau, a man who has chosen steady hands over loud speeches, structure over drama, and long-term rebuilding over chasing instant applause.

When Gusau took office in 2022, he understood one thing clearly: the only way to fix Nigerian football is to repair its foundations. He said it openly during the 2025 NNL monthly awards ceremony — you cannot build an edifice from the rooftop. And true to that conviction, his tenure has taken shape quietly through structural investments that don’t trend on social media but matter where the future of the game is built. The construction of a players’ hostel and modern training pitches at the Moshood Abiola Stadium is one of the clearest signs of this shift. Nigeria has gone decades without basic infrastructure for its national teams, especially youth and age-grade squads. Gusau’s administration broke that pattern by delivering the first dedicated national-team hostel in our history, a project that signals an understanding that success is not luck — it is preparation.

The same thread runs through grassroots football. The maiden edition of the FCT FA Women’s Inter-Area Councils Football Tournament emerged under this administration, giving young female players a structured platform instead of the token attention they usually receive. These initiatives are not flashy. They do not dominate headlines. But they form the bedrock of any footballing nation that wants to be taken seriously.

Gusau’s leadership has also focused on lifting the domestic leagues out of years of decline. The NFF has revamped professional and semi-professional competitions, working to create consistent scheduling, fair officiating, and marketable competition structures. The growing number of global broadcasting partnerships — something unheard of in the old NPFL era — has brought more eyes, more credibility and more opportunities for clubs and players. Monthly awards for players, coaches and referees have introduced a culture of performance and merit, something our domestic game has needed for years. These are reforms that reshape the culture of football far beyond one season.

Internationally, Nigeria regained a powerful seat at the table when Gusau was elected President of the West African Football Union (WAFU B). This is not a ceremonial achievement. In football politics, influence determines opportunities, hosting rights, development grants, international appointments and the respect with which nations are treated. For too long, Nigeria’s voice in the region was inconsistent. Gusau’s emergence changes that, and it places Nigeria in a position where its administrative competence cannot be dismissed.

His administration has also made it clear that women’s football, youth development and academy systems are no longer side projects. There is a renewed intention to repair the broken pathways that once produced global stars with almost predictable frequency. If Nigeria is going to remain a powerhouse, development must become a machine, not an afterthought.

Still, for many observers, none of this seems to matter because the yardstick is always a single match, a single tournament or a single disappointing moment. Public criticism often grows louder than the facts. Fans want instant results, and when they don’t come, the instinct is to blame whoever is in office at the moment. But this approach has repeatedly sabotaged Nigerian football. Constant leadership changes wipe out institutional memory and scatter reform efforts before they mature. No nation becomes great by resetting its football house every time tempers flare.

Gusau’s leadership is unfolding at a time when FIFA and CAF are tightening their expectations for professionalism, financial transparency and infrastructure. Nigeria cannot afford scandals, disarray or combative politics. We need the kind of administrative consistency that global football bodies can trust — and this is exactly the lane Gusau has chosen. He has not been perfect; no administrator is. But he has been consistent, measured and focused. In an ecosystem that often rewards noise, this is rare.

For progress to hold, Nigeria must shift from the culture of outrage to a culture of constructive contribution. The media, civil society, ex-players, club owners, fan groups — everyone has a role. The truth is that Nigerian football’s biggest enemy has never been the NFF president, whoever he might be at the time. The real enemies are impatience, instability and emotional decision-making. They derail strategy. They kill reforms. They weaken institutions. And they turn football — our greatest cultural asset — into a battlefield of blame.

Gusau’s effort to reposition the NFF is a reminder that real development is rarely glamorous. It is slow, disciplined and often misunderstood. But it is the only route that leads to the future we claim to want: a football system built on structure, modern governance, infrastructure, youth development and global influence. Nigeria will flourish when we start protecting our institutions instead of tearing them down after every misstep.

If we truly want Nigerian football to rise, we must recognise genuine work when we see it. We must support continuity when it is clearly producing a roadmap. And we must resist the temptation to substitute outrage for analysis. Ibrahim Musa Gusau’s tenure is not defined by noise. It is defined by groundwork — the kind that elevates nations long after the shouting stops.

Barr. Adefila Kamal is a legal practitioner and development specialist. He serves as the National President of the Civil Society Network for Good Governance (CSNGG), with a long-standing commitment to transparency, institutional reform and sports governance in Nigeria

Continue Reading

Feature/OPED

Unlocking Capital for Infrastructure: The Case for Project Bonds in Nigeria

Published

on

Taiwo Olatunji Project Bonds in Nigeria

By Taiwo Olatunji, CFA

Nigeria’s infrastructure ambition is not constrained by vision, but by the financing architecture. The public sector balance sheet, which has been the primary source of financing, has become very tight, while financing from the private sector is available and increasing, with a focus on long-term, naira-denominated assets. Hence, the challenge lies in effectively connecting this capital to bankable projects at scale and with discipline. Project bonds, created, structured and distributed by investment banks, are the instruments required to bridge the country’s infrastructure needs.

The scale of the need is clear. Nigeria’s Revised NIIMP (2020–2043) estimates ~US$2.3 trillion, about US$100bn, a year is required annually for the next 30 years to lift infrastructure to 70% of GDP. Africa’s pensions, insurers and sovereign funds already hold over US$1.1 trillion that can be mobilised for this purpose, but they require new and innovative approaches to enhance their participation in addressing this challenge.

What is broken with the status quo?

Nigeria continues to finance inherently long-dated assets through the issuance of local currency public bonds, Sukuk and Eurobonds. This approach creates a heavy burden on the government’s balance sheet while sometimes causing refinancing risk and FX exposures, where naira cash flows service dollar liabilities. It has also led to the slow conversion of the pipeline of identified projects because many infrastructure projects have not been prepared, appraised and structured to attract the private sector.

Why project bonds and where they sit in the stack

Project bonds are debt securities issued by project SPVs and serviced from project cash flows, typically secured by concessions, offtake agreements, or availability payments. Unlike typical bonds (corporate or government), which are backed by the sponsor’s balance sheets, project bonds are backed by the cash flow generated by the financed project. They often have longer duration, are tradeable, aligned with the long operating life of infrastructure projects and best suited for pension and insurance investors.

Globally, this type of instrument has been used to finance major projects such as toll roads, power plants, and social infrastructure. For example, in Latin America, transportation and energy projects have been financed through project bonds from local and international investors, through the 144A market, a U.S. framework that allows companies to access large institutional investors without going through a full public offering. Similarly, in India, rupee-denominated project bonds have benefited from partial credit guarantees provided by institutions like Crédit Agricole Corporate and Investment Bank, which help lower investment risk and attract more investors.

In practice, project bonds can be structured in two ways: (i) as a take-out instrument, refinancing bank or DFI construction loans once an asset has reached operational stability; or (ii) as a bond issued from day one for brownfield or late-stage greenfield projects where revenue visibility is high, often supported by credit enhancements such as guarantees.

In both cases, the instrument achieves the same outcome: aligning long-term, project cash flows with the long-term liabilities of domestic institutional investors.

The enabling ecosystem is already emerging

1. Nigeria is not starting from zero. Regulatory infrastructure is already in place. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has issued detailed rules governing Project Bonds and Infrastructure Funds, creating standardized issuance structures aligned with global best practice and familiar to institutional investors. The SEC is also mulling the inclusion of the proposed rules on Credit Enhancement Service Providers in the existing rules of the Commission.

2. Market benchmarks are already available. The sovereign yield curve, published by the Debt Management Office (DMO) through its regular monthly auctions, provides a transparent reference point for pricing. This curve serves as the base risk-free rate, against which project bond spreads can be calibrated to reflect construction, operating, and sector-specific risks.

3. The National Pension Commission (PenCom) has revised its Regulation on the investment of Pension Fund Assets, increasing the amount of the country’s N25.9 trillion pension assets to be allocated to infrastructure.

4. InfraCredit has established a robust local-currency guarantee framework, supporting an aggregate guaranteed portfolio of approximately ₦270 billion. The portfolio carries a weighted average tenor of ~8 years, with demonstrated capacity to extend maturities up to 20 years. (InfraCredit 2025)

Why merchant banks should lead

Merchant banks sit at the nexus of origination, structuring, underwriting, and distribution, and they need to work with projects sponsors, financiers and government to develop a pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects. A pipeline of bankable infrastructure projects is important to attract investors as they prefer to invest in an economy with a recognizable pipeline. A pipeline also suggests that a structured and well-thought-out approach was adopted, and the projects would have identified all the major risks and the proposed mitigants to address the identified risks.

This “banks-as-catalysts” model, an economic framework that states banks can play an active and creative role in promoting industrialization and economic development, particularly in emerging markets, can be adopted to structure and mobilise domestic private finance into Infrastructure projects.

Coronation Merchant Bank’s role and vision

At Coronation, we believe the identification, structuring and testing of bankable infrastructure projects are the constraints to mobilization of private capital into the infrastructure space. We bring an integrated platform across Financial Advisory, Capital Mobilization, Commercial Debt, Private Debt and Alternative Financing to identify, structure, underwrite and distribute infrastructure debt into domestic institutions. The Bank works with DFIs, guarantee providers and other banks to scale issuance. Our franchise has supported infrastructure debt issuances via the capital markets, likewise Nigerian corporates and the Government.

From Insight to Execution

If you are considering the issuance of a project bond or you want to discuss pipeline readiness, kindly contact [email protected] or call 020-01279760.

Taiwo Olatunji, CFA is the Group Head of  Investment Banking at Coronation Merchant Bank

Continue Reading

Feature/OPED

Nigeria’s “Era of Renewed Stability” and the Truths the CBN Chooses to Overlook

Published

on

CBN Building Governor Yemi Cardoso

By Blaise Udunze

At the Annual Bankers’ Dinner, when the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Yemi Cardoso, recently stated that Nigeria had “turned a decisive corner,” his remark aimed to convey assurance that inflation was decelerating with headline inflation eased to 16.05percent and food inflation retreating to 13.12 percent, the exchange rate was stabilizing, and foreign reserves ($46.7 billion) had climbed to a seven-year peak. However, beneath this announcement, a grimmer and conflicting economic situation challenges households, businesses, and investors daily.

Stability is not announced; it is felt. For millions of Nigerians, however, what they are facing instead are increasing difficulties, declining abilities, diminished buying power, and susceptibilities that dispute any assertion of a steady macroeconomic path.

The 303rd MPC gathering was the most significant in recent times, revealing policies and statements that prompt more questions than clarifications. It highlighted an economy striving to appear stable, in theory, while the actual sector struggles to breathe.

This narrative explores why Cardoso’s assertion of “restored stability” is based on a delicate and partial foundation, and why Nigeria continues to be distant from attaining economic robustness.

Manufacturing: The Core of Genuine Stability Remains Struggling to Survive

A strong economy is characterized by growth in production, increased investment, and competitive industries. Nigeria lacks all of these elements.

The Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) expressed this clearly in its response to the MPC’s choice to keep the Monetary Policy Rate at 27 percent. MAN stated that elevated interest rates are now” hindering production, deterring investment, and weakening competitiveness.

Producers are presently taking loans at rates between 30-37 percent, an environment that renders growth unfeasible and survival challenging. MAN’s Director-General, Segun Ajayi-Kadir, emphasized that although stable exchange rates matter, no genuine industry can endure borrowing expenses to those charged by loan sharks.

The CBN’s choice to maintain elevated interest rates is based on drawing foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) to support the naira’s stability. However, FPIs are well-known for being short-term, speculative, and reactive to disturbances. They do not signify long-term stability. Do they represent genuine economic development?

Genuine stability demands assurance, in manufacturing beyond financial tightening. Manufacturers are expressing, clearly and persistently, that no progress has been made.

Oil Output and Revenue: The Engine Behind Nigeria’s Stability Is Misfiring

Nigeria’s oil sector, which is the backbone of its fiscal stability, is underperforming. The 2025 budget presumed:

  • $75 per barrel oil price
  • 2.06 million barrels per day production

Both objectives have fallen apart. Brent crude lingers near $62.56 under the benchmark. Contrary to the usual explanations, experts attribute the decline not mainly to external shocks but to poor reservoir management, outdated models, weak oversight, and delayed technical decisions.

Engineer Charles Deigh, a regarded expert in reservoir engineering, clearly expressed that Nigeria is experiencing production losses due to inadequate well monitoring, obsolete reservoir models, and technical choices lacking fundamental engineering precision.  These shortcomings result directly in decreased revenue. By September 2025:

–       Nigeria had accumulated N62.15 trillion from oil revenue

–       instead of the N84.67 trillion budgeted.

–       In September, the Federal Inland Revenue Service reported a startling 49.60 percent deficit in revenue from oil taxes.

A nation falling short of its main revenue goals by 50 percent cannot assert stability. Instead, it will take loans. Nigeria has taken loans.

A Stability Built on Debt, Not Productivity

Nigeria is now Africa’s largest borrower, and the world’s third-biggest borrower from the World Bank’s IDA, with $18.5 billion in commitments. By mid-2025, the total public debt amounts to N152.4 trillion, marking a 348.6 percent rise since 2023.

From July to October 2025, the government secured contracts for: $24.79 billion, €4 billion, ¥15 billion, N757 billion, and $500 million Sukuk loans. Nevertheless, in spite of these acquisitions, infrastructure continues to be manufacturing remains limited, and social welfare is still insufficient.

Uche Uwaleke, a finance and capital markets professor, cautions that Nigeria’s debt service ratio is “detrimental to growth.” Currently, the government spends one out of every four naira it earns on servicing debts. Taking on debt is not harmful in itself, provided it finances projects that pay for themselves. In Nigeria, it supports subsistence.  A country funding today, through the labour of the future, cannot assert restored stability.

The Naira: A Currency Supported by Fragile Pillars

The CBN contends that elevated interest rates and enhanced market confidence have contributed to the naira’s stabilisation. However, this steadiness is based on grounds that cannot endure even the slightest global disturbance. The pillars of a stable currency are:

–       Rising domestic production

–       Expanding exports

–       Reliable energy supply

–       Strong security

–       A thriving manufacturing base

None of these is Nigeria’s current reality. What Nigeria actually receives is capital from portfolio investors, and past events (2014, 2018, 2020, 2022) have demonstrated how rapidly these funds disappear.

Unemployment: “Stable” Figures Mask a Rising Youth Crisis 

The CBN touts a reported unemployment rate of 4.3 percent. However, the International Labour Organisation (ILO), along with economists, cautions that the approach conceals more serious issues in the labour market.

Youth joblessness has increased to 6.5 percent, and the Nigerian Economic Summit Group cautions that Nigeria needs to generate 27 million formal employment opportunities by 2030 or else confront a disastrous labour crisis. The employment crisis is a ticking time bomb. A country cannot maintain stability when its youth are inactive, disheartened, and financially marginalized.

FDI Continues to Lag Despite CBN’s Positive Outlook

During the 2025 Nigerian Economic Summit, NESG Chairman, Niyi Yusuf stated that Nigeria’s efforts to attract direct investment (FDI) continue to be sluggish despite the implementation of reforms. FDI genuinely reflects investor trust, not portfolio inflows. FDI signifies enduring dedication, manufacturing plants, employment, and generating value. Nigeria does not have any of this as of now. An economy unable to draw long-term investments lacks stability.

139 Million Nigerians in Poverty: What Stability?

The recent development report from the World Bank estimates that 139 million Nigerians are living in poverty, and more than half of the population faces daily struggles. This is not stability. It is a humanitarian and economic crisis.

Food inflation continues to stay structurally high. The cost of a food basket has risen five times since 2019. Low-income families currently allocate much, as 70 percent of their earnings to food. A government cannot claim stability when its citizens go hungry.

A Fragile, Failing Power Sector

The power sector, another cornerstone of economic stability, is failing. Over 90 million Nigerians are without access to electricity, which is one of the highest figures globally. Even homes linked to the grid get 6.6 hours of electricity daily. Companies allocate funds to generators rather than to technology, innovation, or growth. Nigeria has now emerged as the biggest importer of solar panels in Africa, not due to environmental goals but because the national power grid is unreliable.

A country cannot achieve stability if it is unable to supply electricity to its residences, industrial plants, or medical centers.

Insecurity: The Silent Pillar Undermining All Economic Policy

Banditry, terrorism, abduction, and militant attacks persist in agriculture, manufacturing, logistics, and investment. Nigeria forfeits $15 billion each year due to insecurity and resources that might have fueled industrial development.

Food price increases are mainly caused by instability, and farmers are unable to cultivate, gather, or deliver their products. Nevertheless, the MPC approaches inflation predominantly as an issue of policy. In a country where insecurity fundamentally hinders the economy tightening policy cannot ensure stability.

Inflation Figures Under Suspicion

Questions have also emerged regarding the reliability of inflation data. Dr. Tilewa Adebajo, an economist, affirmed that the CBN might not entirely rely on the NBS inflation figures, highlighting increasing apprehension. A sharp decrease to 16 percent inflation clashes with market conditions.

Families are facing the food costs in two decades. Costs, for transport, housing rent, education fees, and necessary items keep increasing. Food prices cannot decline when farmers are abandoning their farmlands and fleeing for safety. If inflation figures are manipulated or partial, the stability story based on them becomes deceptive. There is, quite frankly, a significant disconnect between governance and the lived experience of ordinary Nigerians.

Foreign Reserves: A Story of Headlines vs Reality

Even Nigeria’s celebrated foreign reserves require scrutiny. The CBN reported $46.7 billion in reserves. However, a closer examination shows:

–       Net usable reserves are only $23.11 billion

–       The remainder is connected to commitments, swaps, and debts

Gross reserves make the news. Net reserves protect the currency. The difference is too large to assert that the naira is stable.

Nigeria’s Economic Contradiction: Stability at the Top, Volatility at the Bottom

In reality, Nigeria is caught between official proclamations of stability and lived experiences of volatility. The disparity between the CBN’s account and the actual experiences of Nigerians highlights a reality:

–       Macroeconomic changes have failed to convert into improvements in human well-being.

–       Nigeria might appear stable officially. Its citizens are experiencing instability in truth.

–       Taking on debt is increasing

–       Poverty is worsening

–       Manufacturing is contracting

–       Jobs are scarce

–       Authority is breaking down

–       Feelings of insecurity are growing stronger

–       Inflation is undermining dignity

–       Companies are struggling to breathe

–       Capital is escaping

–       Misery, among humans, is expanding

A strong economy is one where advancement is experienced, not announced.

What Genuine Stability Demands 

To move from paper stability to real stability, Nigeria must:

  1. Support domestic production.  Cut interest rates for manufacturers, reduce borrowing costs, and provide targeted credit.
  2. Fix oil production technically. Revamp reservoir engineering, implement surveillance. Allocate resources to adequate technical oversight.
  3. Prioritize security. Secure farmlands, highways, and industrial corridors.
  4. Reform the power sector. Invest in grid reliability, renewable integration, and private-sector-led transmission.
  5. Attract real FDI. Streamline rules, enhance the framework, and maintain consistent policy guidance.
  6. Anchor debt on productive projects. Take loans exclusively for infrastructure projects that produce income.
  7. Prioritize reforms in welfare. Adopt crisis-responsive, domestically funded safety nets.
  8. Improve transparency. Ensure inflation, employment, and reserve data reflect reality.

Stability Is Not Given; It Has to Be Achieved

The CBN Governor’s statement of “renewed stability” is hopeful. It remains unproven. The inconsistencies are glaring, the statistics too. The real-world experiences are too harsh. Nigerians require outcomes, not slogans. Stability is gauged not through statements on policy but by whether:

–       Manufacturing plants are creating (factories operate at full capacity),

–       Food is affordable,

–       Young people have jobs

–       The naira is strong without artificial props,

–       Electricity is reliable,

–       Security is assured,

–       Poverty rates are decreasing.

Unless these conditions are met, Nigeria is not experiencing a period of restored stability. Instead, it is going through a phase of recovery, one that will collapse if the actual economy keeps worsening while decision-makers prematurely applaud their successes. The CBN must rethink its approach. Nigeria needs productive stability, not statistical stability.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]

Continue Reading

Trending