By Obiaruko Ndukwe
The discordant tunes in the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that once held sway for 16 years in the reins of power in Nigeria has taken a new turn as a major plan was hatched over a year now by the Governors elected under the party in the old Eastern region.
The decision to swell up the ranks of the ruling All Peoples Congress (APC) by these Governors who have actually held tight the party’s stronghold in the South East and the South-South States is part of a planned coup to ouster the owners of APC in a bid to grab power again in 2023.
It is obvious that since most of these Governors who are the major financiers of the PDP are rounding up their second term in office may not be able to weather the coming storms prior to the next election and the only platform that can offer them an easier chance is the existing one – APC, particularly when the party has managed to remain one in spite of their own internal battle for control.
It is like the case of a party united in diversities while that of the PDP has worsened under the Uche Secondus leadership. Theirs is best described by Chinua Achebe’s popular lines, “Things fall apart, the centre can no longer hold”.
I was privileged to be in a discussion eight months ago with a high profile Nigerian who revealed how one of the powerful leaders in the South-South had called him to inform him of their decision to move en masse into the APC, as that is the only way to guarantee their protection when they must have finished serving out their terms as Governors and the immunity garment removed from them.
This Governor was said to have expressed fears that if they failed to join the APC, they could be jailed after office, if a particular leader in APC eventually emerged as President, succeeding Buhari. Although I reminded my host that there are still yet those who moved to APC and are yet facing prosecution in courts, that anyway is not a guarantee!
Yes, it’s a strategic plan to hijack the party but it is not without the consent of some interests in the APC leadership who are building a new structure outside the existing ones tilted along the lines of Bola Ahmed Tinubu on one side and Chibuike Amaechi on the other side.
The third force which is the emerging group led by the Acting National Chairman of the party, Gov Buni of Yobe state is busy wooing these Governors over as they in turn will help him strengthen his alleged ambition to emerge as the running mate to whoever becomes the party’s flag-bearer from the South. This was part of the reason this group visited President Goodluck Jonathan in order to woo him into the APC and drag him into the Presidential race.
The idea to get a Southerner who will govern for only one term and power returns to the North and Jonathan fits into this agenda having completed a constitutional first term of 4 years as elected President. While this seems sound logic but it is more of a selfish plot to deny the South and particularly, Eastern Nigeria with reference to the Igbo tribe.
But gradually, the Buni group seem to be winning the fight as they are daily increasing the numbers in their fold. The Governors have a huge financial war chest as well as strong followership in their States who are always willing to shift grounds even where principles and morality are compromised.
What many do not know is that the defection of these Governors will bring an implosion in the political arena as many leaders in the APC will be upstaged, especially in the PDP controlled states. A little but cursory observation in some of the states reveals this truth here.
In Ebonyi State, the leader of APC, Senator Sam Egwu was scarcely involved in the defection program of Gov Umahi into APC. Same with Cross River State, where former Governor Clement Ebri was neither informed nor invited when Governor Ayade made his way into the APC.
Next is Akwa Ibom State, where Senator Godswill holds sway, albeit it fractionally notwithstanding that by the APC Constitution, he ought to be the leader of the party as the highest political office holder and former Governor. The sudden turnaround of Governor Udom is regarded as a kite flown by the former protégé of Akpabio as he finally makes his alliance with APC public. Udom, like Wike, has enjoyed the support of a faction of the APC leadership at the Centre.
It is not clear yet if the Governor has reached out to Akpabio, although he may be enjoying the support of the Buni group in Akwa Ibom led by Senator Akpan Udoedehe who happens to be the Acting National Secretary of APC.
Which way ever the pendulum swings, Akpabio may survive the planned onslaught since he was solely responsible for the emergence of Udom as Governor.
Besides, the former Governor is not a stranger to political fights having survived the last one between his Ministry, Niger Delta Affairs (NDDC) and the National Assembly.
The next is Governor Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia State, my state of origin. He is coming after Udom in the coming weeks and it is not unlikely that Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, a major member of the third force under Buni. But Orji is not the only one building the party in Abia. The likes of Ikechi Emenike and Uche Ogar remain territorial forces that cannot be dismissed around Abia North and Central. Ikpeazu will break the hold of PDP in Abia South which has been a major decider and flashpoint of elections in Abia.
It is not clear if former Governor TA Orji, Ikpeazu’s benefactor, would be joining the APC as he had earlier revealed he was quitting politics after his tenure in the Senate. But his son, the heir of his political structure is still in PDP and may likely remain if the coast is not clear for his alleged Governorship ambition or at most, to step into the shoes of his father in the Senate.
In all of these, the most intriguing defection would be that of the River Governor, Nyesom Wike who has been having a bad time controlling the structure of PDP since the coming of Atiku Abubakar into their fold close to the 2019 elections.
Wike, though a fiery and ardent critic of the APC federal government, is one of the highest beneficiaries of support from a group in the APC. Wike’s soured relationship with his predecessor and former boss, Chibuike Amaechi, has been his greatest tool in winning over the anti-Amaechi forces within the APC. He was the hatchet man employed by Jonathan and his wife when the need to break Amaechi’s stronghold on the PDP when he was Governor of Rivers State.
If again the forces in APC want to scuttle Amaechi’s perceived presidential ambition, Wike may again come in handy coupled with the fact that Rivers APC which Amaechi controls has had its fair share of woes. The party was carefully and systematically excluded from the ballot in the 2019 elections and it is fighting to recover from what is largely considered internal sabotage.
The question becomes, if Wike joins the APC, considering his irreconcilable differences with other PDP strongmen, will Amaechi be involved or ignored?
These and many more are the issues that may lead the APC into implosion as the older veterans battle the new ‘intakes.’
Obiaruko Christie Ndukwe is a publisher and columnist based in Port Harcourt
Nigeria: Between Persuasive Leaders and Coquettish Behaviour
By Jerome-Mario Utomi
For most of our political history, concept and reality, particularly banking on the underlying understanding of a Coquette by Robert Green, the author of The 48 Laws of Power, it will not be out of place to describe an average Nigerian as a Coquette.
The reason stems from the belief that they are experts at arousing desire through a provocative appearance or an alluring attitude.
Their strength lies in their ability to trap people emotionally and to keep their victims in their clutches long after that titillation of desire. This is the skill that puts them in the ranks of the most effective seducers. Instead of persuasion, some resort to lies, many to propaganda while the rest take to intimidation of their followers.
Regrettable, while this attribute has not only flourished but thrived with unhindered access in Nigeria, it is true that today in many parts of Europe, America and Asia; it is in sharp contrast with the demand of modern leadership. Let’s look at particulars that support this claim.
First, writing on the theme the Necessary Art of Persuasion, Jay A Conger, a Henry R. Kravis Research Chair in Leadership Studies at Claremont Mckenna College, noted that gone are the command-and-control days of executives managing by decree.
Persuasion is widely perceived as a skill reserved for selling products and closing deals. It is also commonly seen as just another form of manipulation-devious and to be avoided.
Certainly, persuasion can be used in selling and deal-clinching situations, and it can be misused to manipulate people. But exercised constructively and to its full potential, persuasion supersedes sales and is quite the opposite of deception.
Effective persuasion he argues become a negotiating and learning process through which a persuader leads colleagues to a problem’s shared solution. Persuasion does indeed involve moving people to a position they don’t currently hold, but not by begging or cajoling. Instead, it involves careful preparation, the proper framing of arguments, the presentation of vivid supporting evidence, and the effort to find the correct emotional match with your audience.
Also, Deborah Tannen, a Professor of Linguistics at Georgetown University, in a similar research report titled The Power of Talk, Who Gets Heard and Why, underlined something that could be described as a missing link in Nigeria’s leadership corridor when she among other things thus observed that In organizations, formal authority comes from the position one holds. But the actual authority has to be negotiated day-to-day. The effectiveness of individual managers/leaders depends in part on their skill in negotiating authority and on whether others reinforce or undercut their efforts. The way linguistic style reflects status plays a subtle role in placing individuals within a hierarchy.
Often, so many leaders assume persuasion is a one-shot effort. Persuasion is a process, not an event. Rarely, if ever, is it possible to arrive at a shared solution on the first try. More often than not, persuasion involves listening to people, developing a new position that reflects input from the group, more testing, incorporating compromises, and then trying again. If this sounds like a slow and difficult process, that’s because it is. But the results are worth the effort.
Now, this is the lesson that every leader in Nigeria must draw from this conversation.
For a leader to be a successful persuader, Deborah Tannen and Jay A Conger were unanimous in agreement that such a leader must ask this question; do those I am hoping to persuade see me as helpful, trustworthy, and supportive?
The duo also said something striking.
Let’s listen again; some leaders think the secret of persuasion lies in presenting great arguments. In persuading people to change their minds, great arguments matter. No doubt about it. But arguments, per se, are only one part of the equation.
Other factors matter just as much, such as the persuader’s credibility and his or her ability to create a proper, mutually beneficial frame for a position, connect on the right emotional level with an audience, and communicate through vivid language that makes arguments come alive.
In my view, it will not be considered as an overstatement to conclude that was Nigeria’s public office holder’s quest to achieve persuasive purpose considered as strategic, that explains as well as propels the never-ending manner with which offices such as the Minister of Information (for the federal government), the Commissioners for Information (states), chief press secretaries, senior special assistant (media), senior special assistant media (technical), special assistant (media), special assistant (information gathering), special assistant (print media) and special assistant (electronic media), among others are created.
Under this arrangement, a government spokesperson communicates to people the work done (i.e. political and institutional) by the government. The task of assisting and supporting the members of the government and the government itself is assigned to the spokesperson.
However, the question may be asked: has the discussed topic any relevance in Nigeria public leadership arena? How well have these appointed/elected public officials performed/harnessed persuasive leadership strategies in their day to day administrations? What is the future of persuasive leadership in Nigeria? What will the state of public leadership in Nigeria be like in hundred years to come; success or failure?
While providing answers to the questions are as important as the piece itself, one thing that bothers me, in addition, is that instead of developing the art and act of persuasive leadership, most of the present public office holders in Nigeria are capped with the spirit/attributes of Paul Joseph Goebbels, a German Nazi politician and Reich Minister of Propaganda of Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. He was one of Adolf Hitler’s closest and most devoted associates and was known for his skills in public speaking and his deeply virulent antisemitism, which was evident in his publicly voiced views.
This newfound attribute by Nigerian public office holders has made the innocent/well-intentioned position of persuasion in leadership become a platform for fierce political and ideological warfare in ways that negates rationality as human beings.
A great amount of innocent human character has been spilt, wars of words waged, countless souls/ambition persecuted and martyred.
Spokespersons have in recent times failed to communicate noble ideas and ideals. This consequence of their failures is responsible for why anarchy presently prevails in the country and accounts for why Nigerians daily diminish and are impoverished.
Take as an illustration, instead of telling their principals what the real issues are or encouraging them to keep promises that gave them victory at the polls, curtail the challenges confronting the people, and promote consensus politics, some government spokespersons encourage divisiveness, uphold autocratic tendencies, and endorse/promote media trial of political opponents.
In most cases, they become propagandists using radio, television and the internet as outlets to relentlessly false feed Nigerians.
Each time some of these spokespersons are faced with embarrassing facts about their principals, they fall back on data that is hardly objective, generating inferences that can never be described as explicit.
While finding solutions to the unwelcoming behaviours of government’s spokespersons will have far-reaching effects on both the public officials and the entire Nigerians, as it is laced with the capacity to engineer socioeconomic prosperity and propel the masses to work together for the greater good of the nation, it has become overwhelmingly urgent for government spokespersons, image makers and media assistants to understand that every decision they make requires a value judgment as different decisions bring different results
Jerome-Mario Utomi, the Programme Coordinator (Media and Public Policy), Social and Economic Justice Advocacy, SEJA, wrote from Lagos. He could be reached via; email@example.com or 08032725374.
New Global Tax Rules to Address Imbalances in Africa’s Tax Revenue
By Denny Da Silva
One hundred and thirty-six of the 140 members of the OECD G20 Inclusive Framework, including South Africa, have agreed on a new set of global tax rules that will reform the world’s tax system.
Notably, two African countries that are members of the Inclusive Framework have not yet joined the agreement – Kenya and Nigeria.
The two-pillar system will be presented to the G20 Leaders’ Summit at the end of October 2021. It will result in a reallocation of taxing rights from resident to source countries of certain multinational enterprises (MNEs), if thresholds are met, in addition to a 15 per cent global minimum tax rate for certain organizations, implemented from 2023. The agreement aims to redress global tax revenue imbalances and is set to benefit developing economies in Africa.
According to African policymakers, a multilateral approach to tax collection has numerous benefits for the continent. Smaller economies like those in Africa are more reliant on business income tax than larger economies.
The African Tax Administration Forum (ATAF) previously noted that 16 per cent of total tax revenue in African countries is from corporate tax, compared to 9 per cent in OECD countries.
African countries have increased their revenue collection methods and have implemented punitive measures to clamp down on tax avoidance measures because the revenue collected is of the utmost importance to the stability of their economies. But current tax rules have meant that African countries could not collect tax revenue from multinationals, even if they were operating profitably in their countries.
The OECD’s Pillar One changes enable market jurisdictions to charge income tax on a portion of the profits of large multinational companies operating within their borders. It will reallocate taxing rights from their resident countries to markets where they conduct business and generate profits, regardless of their physical presence in that country.
Pillar One will apply to MNEs with sales over €20 billion and that generate a net profit above 10 per cent (profit before tax/turnover). Amount A has been confirmed at 25 per cent of an MNE’s residual profit (i.e. profit in excess of 10 per cent of revenue) and will be allocated to market jurisdictions with sufficient nexus using a revenue-based allocation key – being a revenue of at least €1 million from that jurisdiction (or at least €250,000 for jurisdictions with a GDP of less than €40 billion).
No agreement has yet been reached on the implementation and design of Amount B, which intends to simplify the arm’s length principle for baseline marketing and distribution activities, but the intention is for this to be completed in 2022.
Pillar Two proposes a new network of rules that will reallocate taxing rights according to a new global minimum tax regime of 15 per cent – aimed at ensuring a minimum effective net tax rate across all jurisdictions. It will apply to all enterprises generating revenue above €750 million. Model rules for bringing Pillar Two into domestic legislation will be introduced in 2022 and become effective in 2023.
On the African front, ATAF submitted proposals to the OECD on the new agreement and announced in October 2021 that many of its proposals were incorporated into Pillar One, including broadening the agreement to incorporate all sectors but excluding the extractives sector. ATAF stated that resource-rich African countries price their minerals on their “inherent characteristics” and not on “market intangibles”, and as such, taxing rights should go to the resource-producing country.
ATAF further noted that their request for greater simplification of some of the rules was also incorporated. Specifically, the nexus threshold was reduced to €1 million, down from €5 million, with a lower threshold of €250 000 for smaller jurisdictions with GDPs lower than €40 billion and no “plus factors.” ATAF also secured an elective binding dispute resolution mechanism, as opposed to the existing mandatory dispute resolution process, for eligible developing countries.
ATAF was also pleased that the Subject to Tax Rule (STTR) would be a minimum standard that developing countries can require to be included in bilateral tax treaties with Inclusive Framework members and that the STTR would cover interest, royalties, and a defined set of other payments.
However, there was disappointment that the agreement only allocates 25 per cent of the residual profit to market jurisdictions under Amount A – ATAF had advocated for this to be 35 per cent.
African countries now have until 2023 to implement the new tax rules, navigating difficulties with regard to tax implementation due to capacity challenges and issues with how the rules will impact countries that are not members of the Inclusive Framework.
However, the OECD has stated it will ensure the rules can be effectively and efficiently administered and that they will offer comprehensive capacity-building support to countries that need it.
Overall, the global tax changes are good news for the continent and are expected to result in increased tax revenue for African countries at a time when capital is direly needed for post-pandemic recovery.
Denny Da Silva is the Associate Director of Tax at Baker McKenzie, Johannesburg, South Africa
Delta 2023: Ibori, Okowa and Mulade’s Leadership Hypothesis
By Jerome-Mario Utomi
The latest honour bestowed a few days ago on the Delta State Governor, Mr Ifeanyi Okowa, as the Best Performing Governor of the Year in Infrastructural Development in Nigeria has finally said what has been on the minds of Deltans.
Separate from affirming the title of ‘Road Master’ Deltans code-named the Governor, the award which was presented to Governor Okowa at the Event Centre, Asaba, during the opening ceremony of the 19th International Civil Engineering Conference and Annual General Meeting of the Institution which has its theme as Civil Infrastructure Development: Challenges and Prospects Under Pandemic Situations, more than anything else amplified the belief that Okowa is laced with attributes of a clear thinker as outlined by Justin Merkins in his book titled the Executive Intelligence.
To copiously quote Merkins, he said in parts; there are clear thinkers, muddled thinkers and people that fall in between. Clear thinks -are the ones that can cull everything down into the right points-are very hard to find. But if you get yourself a team of clear thinkers, the possibilities are endless. These are men who see tomorrow, trailblazers and high-level executives, but most often misunderstood by some fellow countrymen still stuck in the old normal of yesterday.
This voiced position about the Governor’s performance canvassed by the piece is, and analysis of his scorecard in the past six years of his administration as the governor of the oil-rich Delta State and have been dutifully captured in my previous interventions.
Indeed, while this piece also observes that there exists for the governor, room for improvement in order to finish strong as he desires, I will make a detour to observe/underline that separate from the award bestowed on Governor Okowa, this present intervention is largely a continuation/function of my recent conversation with Comrade Mulade Sheriff, Country Director, Centre for Peace and Environmental Justice, (CEPEJ).
While some of the lessons of that conversation have been shared in my analysis in previous interventions, this particular angle remained untouched but is now relevant to the present discourse.
Adding context to the discourse, Mulade in that report among other concerns, argued that as the nation races towards 2023, there exists an urgent imperative in the state (Delta) for mind restructuring as it relates to the election of leaders.
While admitting that experience in public leadership is important particularly as leadership is both nature and nurture, he, however, urged Deltans to imbibe a new attitude that dwells less on public leadership experience as a prerequisite for determining who will be the next governor of the state, as evidence abounds that most of the so-called experienced public office holders occupied such position in the past without leaving any positive impact or stamp their legacies on the sand of time.
To further buttress his claim as well as strengthen his argument that one can actually perform superlatively as a governor without necessarily capped with previous public leadership experience, he pointed to the fact that the likes of James Onanefe Ibori had no record of previous public leadership experience before assuming the position of governor of the state in May 1999. Yet, his record of sterling achievements and the echo of the regime keeps reverberating because of the foundation he laid and his fundamental style of governance that was an empowerment whirlwind.
Of course, Mulade may be right! And again, looking at a report titled the Views From Delta State authored by Eromo Egbejule, a Nigerian writer and journalist and published December 9, 2016, by the Africa Research Institute, it becomes obvious that Mulade is not alone in this line of thinking.
Egbejule in that report noted in parts; under Ibori, things were far from perfect, but progress was at least visible. He built bridges to hitherto inaccessible towns such as Omadino and Bomadi, across the Forçados River; and scores of roads were constructed across the state’s three senatorial districts. The education sector also benefited from the state government’s investments in the early 2000s.
A number of higher institutions were built: three polytechnics, a college of physical education and a navy school. Medical students at Delta State University also benefited from a new teaching hospital, albeit in the governor’s hometown.
Ibori’s greatest impact was in the sports sector. An indoor sports complex was constructed in the state capital Asaba. Oghara got a brand-new stadium, along with a total transformation from a glorified village to a mini-city. Sapele, Oleh, Ughelli and other towns also got new stadiums or upgrades to existing facilities. Perhaps it was a ploy to serialise stealing or a genuine desire to spread development across the state – or both. Either way, it worked brilliantly.
There was an active youth development programme. There were clinics for referees, scholarships for athletes and early release of funds was encouraged to allow athletes the necessary time to prepare properly.
Delta State topped the medals table at the National Sports Festival in 2000, 2004 and 2006, and came second in 2002. In 2002 and 2006, it hosted the African Women Cup of Nations Championship (as it is now known). Ibori was revered for bringing international football to the state, the report concluded.
Thus, as the build-up to political activities for the Delta 2023 governorship race gradually gathers momentum, it is important in my view that the state goes for someone with leadership qualities and sterling integrity to succeed Governor Okowa from May 29, 2023.
The state needs a leader that will sustain Okowa’s achievements and engineer development in the state without excess socioeconomic hardship and environmental degradation, but in a way that both protects the rights and opportunities of coming generations and contributes to compatible approaches.
A leader that will bring about the infusion of human rights principles of participation, accountability, transparency and non-discrimination towards the attainment of equity and justice in development initiatives in the state in a particular way and process that allows the realization of economic, social and cultural rights, as well as civil and political rights, and all fundamental freedoms, while expanding the capabilities and choices of the individual.
Once more, while it is obvious that Deltans experienced a period of economic growth under Ibori, Emmanuel Udughan and Okowa’s administrations, the likes of which most of the states in the federation had never before seen, I, however, hold the opinion that in 2023, the state will need as a state governor someone that will provide an answer to the question as to what exactly impedes the development of the Niger Delta/ Coastal areas and other rural communities of the state.
Find out why the legislative framework guiding the region is not providing a strong source of remedy for individuals and communities negatively affected by oil exploration and production in the coastal communities. Determine why it is not effective and enforceable; why the framework is not acting as a legal solution to the issues of oil-related violations.
Finally, although Governor Okowa has stated in clear terms that only God knows who will succeed him, it is, however, important for Deltans to pray and work for an authentic leader who will demonstrate a passion for his purpose, practice his values consistently and lead with his heart as well as his head.
Jerome-Mario Utomi is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Public Policy), Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), Lagos. He could be reached via firstname.lastname@example.org/08032725374.
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