Feature/OPED
Upholding Governor Okowa’s Gbaramatu Initiative As Panacea For Niger Delta Peace

By Ephraim Okwuosa
The recent initiative of the Delta State Governor, Dr Ifeanyi Okowa, in requesting the company of immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan for a joint visit to Gbaramatu kingdom in the oil producing area of Niger Delta in pursuit of peace, is clear demonstration that a new wave of patriotic support has emerged to boost the on-going efforts of the President Buhari’s leadership to restore peace in the Niger Delta region.
Governor Ifeanyi Okowa’s role as a new dove in the Niger Delta crisis despite his contrasting partisan interest with the Nigeria’s ruling government of President Buhari is not only highly commendable but demonstrates unique intent for collective pursuit of peace.
Nevertheless, this Okowa’s presumed desire for peace demands a thorough substantive discussion that should not end with mere rhetoric.
For now, it is wise to recognise that the fresh initiative for calm by Governor Okowa may be the much needed rational response to the Niger Delta uncertainty. In truth, Governor Okowa’s idea of taking former President Goodluck Jonathan to appeal to the King of Gbaramatu for peace in the Niger Delta region is considered an effective and purposeful diplomacy. Indeed, it is an indication that peace in the Niger Delta may no longer be a distant prospect because this particular action shares a number of features with the past strategy employed in restoring peace in the Niger Delta by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua.
Without a doubt, the problems of militancy in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria’s oil producing areas have had real bite in reducing the Federal Government’s revenue particularly in its era of economic recession. Presently, under President Muhammadu Buhari’s leadership, where both oil production and price have sharply reduced, what this simply portends is likely threat of economic turmoil for a nation with inadequate foreign reserves, yet highly dependent on troubled proceeds from oil sales which accounts for over eighty percent of its foreign revenue.
That the crisis situation in Niger Delta has largely contributed in casting Nigeria led democratic government of President Buhari to be described a nation with seeming economic uncertainty does not call for any expanded debate. In any case, the fact is that at the moment, any purposeful discourse on Nigeria cannot end without including the depressing reality associated with vandalization of oil facilities and insecurity caused by some disgruntled persons. These illegitimate actions have not only brought about so much devastation on the country’s economy but also introduced an unprecedented level of suffering to a majority of the Nigerian population. All these combined with issues of inappropriate and confusing government economic policies have resulted in the dwindling value of Nigeria’s currency, growing unemployment, complications in the management of the economy, delayed salaries and disappearing business outfits.
Succinctly put, Nigeria’s pathetic situation has left over half of its population reeling in economic hardships. Conceivably, the current state of affairs might be the reason why some economic analysts strongly believe that without the stoppage of hostilities in the Niger Delta, Nigeria’s quest to overcome its recession may just be a dream too distant for actualization. Such analysts, even though recorded to have commended the tasking efforts of the seventy four year old President Buhari in addressing corrupting, remain sceptical that the global conversing by the Nigerian government for fresh investments will translate to meaningful gains without appropriately addressing the domestic problems of the Niger Delta disturbances which has projected Nigeria as unsafe for investment especially for oil related activities.
Even so, one twisty contradiction herein is that these acts of violence perpetuated by persons largely termed Niger Delta militants are best described as self-inflicted injuries. This is particularly so because those that advance such ignoble activities are not immune to the economic hardship they cause the Nigerian people.
Specifically, even the nine oil producing states that were hitherto classified as rich and distinctively different courtesy of billions of naira they earn as monthly allocation from oil derivation have witnessed diminished revenue which has made them incapable of paying salaries to their workers.
On this Niger Delta predicament, the factual reality is that even though there is no amount of logic that would provide legitimate excuses for the violent acts and ill motivations of the Niger Delta militants, their claim of being the goose that lay the golden eggs yet neither feeds appropriately from it nor enjoys a proportionate share cannot be dismissed in any quality dialogue. Arguably, some persons may wish to use similar premises like Nigeria’s days of groundout pyramids to reach a set of varied troubling conclusions or raise skewed questions on the alleged preferential treatment of Niger Delta oil producing communities but this does not reflect the realities in oil production activities and the dangers it brings to the communities at a gain to the Federal Government.
Consequently, the actuality remains that people from oil producing areas and those causing problems in the Niger Delta should be treated as mere trouble makers but pacified through rational responses and constructive dialogue. Indeed, the recent renewed violence in the Niger Delta region even though suspicious of skewed motive is a specific situation that calls for definite practical and sensible responses. This why I find the recent visit of Governor Okowa and Former President Jonathan to Gbaramatu Kingdom very relevant and necessary for an expansive discussion.
Presently, the Niger Delta region though summed with the tag of complex unsettled issues is certainly not beyond remediation either by brute force or dialogue. However, on a sensible reasoning, dialogue remains a best option for peace if really Nigeria is desirous of continuing its oil production in the said region.
In fact, it is also important to state that in any diverse society like Nigeria, at times unity may not suggest absolute uniformity because of existing varied interest groups and agitations. None the less, on some issues, national interest must take first place as there are lines that should not be crossed even by the most focused agitation; otherwise such may upturn the security and economic interests of a country.
Certainly, this is what I think the President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration has tried to preach to the Niger Delta people.
Unfortunately, the government’s approach of communication does not seem most appropriate especially for a people that have ears that seem blocked on the assumption of righteous anger.
Again, on this dismal issue of Niger Delta restiveness, a lot of objective observers have posited that the Nigerian government is not blame free because contrary to its claim of doing so much for the Niger Delta, there exist a lot of contentious issues.
Fundamentally, to the majority of Niger Delta people, the Nigerian Government is largely termed as another bullying masquerade that claims it is assisting on the one hand, yet on the other divide; it silently kills host communities through oil exploration activities without apposite corresponding development and remediation measures over issues of environmental degradation. Indeed, this remains a major disputation in government’s involvement in oil production activities in Niger Delta.
On the other hand, granted that various efforts have been made by the Buhari’s administration to establish likely mechanisms it thinks would stop the violence in Niger Delta, however with due acknowledgement to the good efforts of the present Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr Ibe Kachikwu, the reality is that such efforts are yet to provide any signal for long lasting peace. Consequently, the big question herein is, how best can the Nigerian government achieve stability in the Niger Delta region with neither force nor needless deaths, an issue which was hitherto almost perfectly tackled for almost a decade until the arrival of the President Buhari’s administration. Politely put, is it not possible to create a new line of diplomacy that can constructively persuade the militants to understand that there can never be any reasonable justification or righteousness for any group of persons to engage in extreme violence of murder of security personnel, innocent citizens and workers in guise of pursuit of self-aspirations? On this, the Nigerian Government seems to be missing the woods for the trees.
In any case, the need to support peace with determined action is a must for both the people of Niger Delta and the Nigerian government.
However, while the Niger Delta militants must get over the delusion that their inappropriate actions will provide credible solutions to their seeming neglect, on the converse, the Government should stop listening to only those that think vandalization of oil facilities by militants can be stopped by the power of military confrontation. With hindsight, it is easy to say this may just end up as an unnecessary war that the Nigerian military is woefully underprepared to win without causing thousands of civilian casualties and huge damage to the human rights of persons the government claims it is desirous to give better lives.
Besides the many ambiguities that surround Niger Delta and the widely presumed attitude of Government’s neglect, the essential truth is that it is hopelessly naïve for any reasonable person to think that meaningful development will take place in Niger Delta region without peace.
Indeed, even though it is not far from fact that the Niger Delta people believe they have been highly marginalized by previous governments until the emergence of the late President Umaru Yar’adua’s
Amnesty in exchange for peace programme, in the present situation, what is essentially needed is not much squabble but a quick resolution of the differing issues for common good. Indeed, many polity watchers believe that the unique approach of peace employed by the late President Yar’Adua did not only clear the major obstacles of doubt but opened possibilities of trust on many issues of common interest between the government and the Niger Delta people.
Realistically, any reasonable analyst on Niger Delta crisis will automatically understand that the exclusive peace initiative of the late President Yar’Adua was actually what guaranteed tranquillity in the Niger Delta region for almost a decade. Indeed, the Yar’adua’s peace initiative actually did show that talking frankly with the militants is not an admission of incompetence.
Rather, it is wisdom which opens doors to strategic partnership for worthwhile deal for all parties in the Niger Delta crisis. Unfortunately, with Muhammadu Buhari as President and the militants back to the creeks to continue violence, there is no doubt that the late President Yar’adua’s peace initiative has been weakened to a state of near collapse. A regrettable incident and sad issue is that many people do not have the understanding that the entire blame should not be on the door steps of President Buhari but more on the greed of some different actors from the Niger Delta extract over socio political and economic personal gains. This is why the President must be clear eyed on what he reads about the Niger Delta crisis from some of trusted persons.
For now, it may not be strange that even those politicians close to Mr President may be offering half-truths that give the an erroneous impression of the Niger Delta mess, thus sadly creating apprehension that may negatively motivate those that have sympathy for the militants not to embrace any patriotic zeal that will encourage an end to the conflict. This is for sure the extend that greed and politics have thrust Niger Delta.
Interestingly, despite the above stated conjectures, all hope does not appear lost for genuine peace in Niger Delta. This is because after long months of chaos and imbroglio, it does seem that some persons from Niger Delta are beginning to think more creatively. The recent visit of Governor Okowa and former President Jonathan to Gbaramatu is clear testament that the quest for peace has gained steam. Indeed, any good follower of Niger Delta crisis ought to know the historical significance of Gbaramatu Kingdom. For avoidance of doubt, Gbaramatu is strategically located in the oil producing area of Delta State in the Niger Delta Region. It is a major Ijaw ethnic settlement that consists of many communities including Okerenkoko and Oporoza.
Also, it is the home of one Chief Government Ekpemupolo a.k.a Tompolo, a well-known influential ex militant or militant depending on how one’s lenses are polarized. Certainly, given the new realities in the Niger Delta, the categorization of Tompolo will form sufficient discourse elsewhere but for now, let this peace go with the healthy assumption of Ex militant because the Nigerian constitution accords his the status of innocence until proven guilty.
Never the less, it is on record that Tompolo was the force behind encouraging his co agitators to embrace the Amnesty of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua, unfortunately, that bond of peace between the Nigerian government and Tompolo faded as soon as the Buhari’s led Government charged him to court on multiple allegations of corruption and froze his bank accounts with billions of naira, he claimed he earned genuinely through contracts of pipeline monitoring and other related transactions related to sustaining peace in the Niger Delta.
Ever since the government decent on Tompolo and issuance of arrest warrant, neither, Niger Delta, Gbaramatu, Tompolo, oil production nor Nigerian economy has known peace. Whatever this means, can be easily interpreted by the average mind but the truth is that Tompolo is still at the heart of Niger Delta matters and no amount of pretence or denial can diminish the fact of his influence over his people, an attribute the late President Yar’adua aptly utilized to attain peace in the Niger Delta.
For ease of comprehension on Gbaramatu’s significance and Tompolo’s influence, in May 2009, according to Media reports, the Gbaramatu kingdom was attacked by a combined team of Army, Navy and Air force known as Joint Task Force (JTF). Military aircraft was used in attacking Tompolo’s infamous Camp 5 and his personal house at Oporoza.
During the said military operation, it was alleged that innocent women and children were reportedly killed. Indeed, the military was said to have been provoked into taking the action because some of their personnel were allegedly attacked by the militants.
Thereafter, at the instance of the late President Yar’Adua, his then Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan visited the Gbaramatu kingdom for successful peace talk with Tompolo and his fellow travelers. Definitely, the 2009 visit to Gbaramatu was highly instrumental to ending Niger Delta violence under the late President Umaru Yar’Adua; an event that will be too difficult to discard in the documentation of the history of Niger Delta.
Specifically, the recent joint visit of Governor Okowa and former President Goodluck Jonathan to Gbaramatu in search of peace signals a personal commitment of these leaders that are indigenes of Niger Delta. That these men have spoken openly on an issue of national concern implicitly acknowledging that peace in the Niger Delta is a necessity, deserves commendation. The primacy of the visit by the duo of Governor Okowa and former President Goodluck Jonathan to Gbaramatu is that it has the potential of accomplishing success like the 2009 visit to Gbaramatu by former Delta State Governor, Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan and the same Goodluck Jonathan.
While it is unrealistic to assume that the mere presence of Okowa and Goodluck Jonathan will magically bring about cessation of violence in Niger Delta without necessary corresponding actions by major parties in the crisis, nevertheless, the simple fact herein is that what Governor Okowa has resurrected at Gbaramatu will provide opportunity for some behind-the-scenes work that is certain to offer a more holistic approach to resolving the Niger Delta crisis. Such a vital peace initiative should not be allowed to crash on the basis of Government’s usual attitude of Talk only, No action, NATO or swallowed by unnecessary political cynicism, and bitterness.
Consequently, now that Governor Okowa has provided a decent chance for what appears to be a short but effective road to peace, this diplomacy should not be thrown to the dustbin of history. The government of President Buhari must take on this positive momentum because if genuine actions for peace are swiftly pursued including quashing cases in court against some militants like Tompolo, then Yar’adua’s success on quelling militancy in Niger Delta may repeat itself.
Certainly, there would be deep misgivings about the wisdom of this recommendation but the naked fact and unpretentious ugly reality is that Tompolo and company are significant interest group in this Niger Delta issue. Any denial of this should best be regarded as an assault to the sensibilities of any credible analyst.
Be that as it may, the fact is that with present circumstances in Niger Delta, the capturing of Tompolo by the gallant men of Nigeria’s military on the basis of suspicion for alleged connection with militancy may just take a little time but will that ever suggest lasting peace in Niger Delta? Even the pursuit of seeming justice for the incarceration of Tompolo on issues related to alleged corruption is very unwise especially given that the entire momentary value in question is less than what is lost by the Nigerian government to violence in just a day in the Niger Delta crisis. Without quality reason and diplomacy, such actions of government may introduce a fresh set of complications.
Fortunately, many analysts have already stated that such a judicial pursuit though apt is certainly deficient in common sense and the cost of sustaining military presence in the region is huge waste for a country in recession. This is even twisty for the people of Niger Delta that controversially lay ceaseless claim that they deserve 50 percent of resource control from oil production in their region against the existing 13% offered by the Nigerian Government. This is why this writer believes that those that have the ears of President Buhari must not be petty minded on their nature of advice relating to this sad issue that has grossly affected the Nigerian economy put millions of Nigeria in hunger and angry. Firmly put, if the government ever agrees to embrace the wisdom of genuine especially for a soft landing for the assumed new militants and enhancement of the Paul Boroh led
Amnesty, Rehabilitation and Reintegration Initiative of President Buhari, then failure of these new militants to adhere to peace will be a self-inflicted tragedy that would not only ruin them but will make them miss a last viable opportunity to access a likely new form of Amnesty which the focused Okowa’s initiative might negotiate for them.
All said, Governor Okowa in his capacity as the Leader of an area that accounts for about sixty percent of this new militancy must further his peace initiative to actually demonstrate that he is both good at talking peace and walking the walk. On the other side, both the government and militants must see this Governor Okowa’s diplomacy as the best hope for the salvation of the Niger Delta and Nigeria’s economic concerns, thus encourage and embrace it.
Dr Ephraim Okwuosa, a concerned citizen from Niger Delta and Co-ordinator, Anti-Corruption Advocates, writes from Area 11, Garki, Abuja.
Feature/OPED
History is Watching: Tinubu’s Moment to Rescue Nigeria’s Stolen Future
By Blaise Udunze
Governance is not complicated. It is about people and the resources entrusted to serve them. When resources are managed wisely, the people prosper, and prosperity spreads. Mismanage them, and poverty multiplies. Nigeria’s tragedy is not scarcity. It is stewardship.
For decades, Nigeria, described as Africa’s largest oil producer, has earned hundreds of billions of dollars, yet remains home to some of the world’s poorest citizens. That contradiction is not accidental. It is systemic. It reflects policy distortion, institutional weakness, and a culture of impunity that has too often treated public wealth as political spoils rather than a national trust.
The Abuja-based Independent Media and Policy Initiative (IMPI) recently captured this paradox bluntly by saying, Nigeria’s poverty crisis is not the result of inadequate resources, but of persistent failure to manage them prudently and sustainably. It described the crisis as a “self-inflicted economic malady.” That phrase should trouble every public official.
Between 1980 and 2015, Nigeria rode multiple oil booms. Instead of converting windfalls into diversified productivity, the country succumbed to what economists call the Dutch disease. Oil revenues surged. The naira appreciated. Imports became cheaper. Domestic production became uncompetitive. Agriculture declined. Manufacturing withered.
IMPI’s analysis shows that between 1980 and 1986, exchange rate appreciation crippled local industries and turned Nigeria from a major agricultural exporter into a net food importer. Cocoa, palm oil, and rubber, once pillars of export strength, gave way to dependency. A parallel distortion emerged, the so-called “Nigerian disease.” Rural labour migrated to cities in search of oil-fueled wage spikes. Farming declined. Food insecurity deepened, which has continued to linger each day. Over-mechanised and poorly coordinated agricultural investments, uncompleted irrigation projects, and subsidies skewed toward politically connected elites widened inequality. Oil wealth created the wrong impression of prosperity while hollowing out the economy’s productive core.
Former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo once framed the issue plainly: Nigeria’s challenge is not geographical restructuring but resource management and service delivery. After decades of vast oil earnings, the uncomfortable question remains. Where is the infrastructure?
If mismanagement were purely historical, recovery might simply require time and discipline. But the problem is not confined to the past, and this is because between 2010 and 2026, an estimated $214 billion, roughly N300 trillion, has been flagged as missing, diverted, unrecovered, irregularly spent, or trapped in non-transparent fiscal structures. These figures reveal that they are not speculative but arise from audit reports, legislative investigations, civil society litigation, and investigative findings across administrations.
The oil sector alone provides sobering examples. In 2014, unremitted oil revenues triggered national outrage. Years later, audit queries continue to trail the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited. The names of institutions change. The pattern persists. The Central Bank of Nigeria has also faced audit alarms over trillions in unremitted surpluses and questionable intervention facilities. Auditor-General has flagged failures to remit operating surpluses into the Consolidated Revenue Fund, alongside hundreds of billions allegedly disbursed to unidentified beneficiaries under intervention schemes, which is alarming and a common fraudulent practice.
Across ministries, departments, and agencies, trillions have been cited in unsupported expenditures, unremitted taxes, procurement irregularities, and statutory liabilities left unrecovered. The institutions differ. The language of audit reports varies. The years change. The pattern does not.
A natural occurrence, which is the plain truth, and unarguably, is that when electricity funds disappear, the grid collapses. Also, when agricultural loans remain unrecovered, food prices surge. The same goes when social investment programmes stall due to bureaucratic lack of transparency; the vulnerable remain exposed. Nigeria borrows not only because revenue is insufficient but because leakage is persistent.
The 2026 fiscal projections sharpen the dilemma. This has continued to raise concern as seen in the proposed N58.47 trillion budget, which carries a N25.91 trillion deficit, with N15.9 trillion allocated to debt servicing. What signifies a systemic failure is that nearly half of the projected federal revenue will service past loans before development priorities are funded. The truth be told, borrowing is not inherently destructive. Economies such as the United States deploy deficit financing strategically to expand productivity. The difference lies in what the borrowing finances.
To date, Nigeria’s deficits are increasingly funded by recurrent obligations rather than productivity-enhancing infrastructure. This is why Nigeria’s domestic borrowing persistently crowds out private-sector credit, driving up interest rates and stifling enterprise. Time after time, the nation has continued to witness how weak revenue mobilisation, overt oil dependence, and institutional inefficiencies compound the strain, and for these reasons, public debt is projected to has surpass N177.14 trillion by the end of 2026, which is driven by the budget deficit in 2026 Appropriation Bill.
Based on what is obtainable in other advance country, debt becomes sustainable only when borrowed funds are channeled into growth-enhancing investments, institutions ensure transparency and value for money, and economic expansion outpaces debt accumulation. When these conditions weaken, deficits evolve into a fiscal trap.
Despite some of the challenges occasioned by mismanaged resources and leakages, policymakers project cautious optimism. The Central Bank forecasts GDP growth of approximately 4.49 percent, moderating inflation, and foreign reserves exceeding $50 billion. On paper, stability appears to be returning. But stability is not prosperity.
Take, for instance, between 2006 and 2014, Nigeria recorded average GDP growth rates of six to seven percent, peaking near eight percent. Yet poverty remained stubbornly high, judging by the lived experience of the populace. This shows that growth without inclusion is only an arithmetic, not development. Today, households confront elevated food prices despite the report that food inflation fell from 29.63 per cent in January 2025 to 8.89 per cent in January 2026, energy costs, and unemployment. Yes, one may say that the exchange-rate unification and fuel subsidy removal were economically rational reforms. However, without aggressive domestic production expansion and credible social safety nets, adjustment costs fall heavily on citizens.
The concept of the “resource curse,” coined by Professor Richard Auty, explains why resource-rich nations often experience weaker institutions and lower long-term growth than resource-poor peers. Nigeria truly exemplifies that irony. Yet the curse is not inevitable. This is because countries such as Norway and Botswana transformed natural resource wealth into long-term prosperity through disciplined institutions, sovereign wealth management, and uncompromising transparency, which happens to be foreign to Nigeria’s system. The difference was not geology. It was governance.
Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has never been quite over resource plundering as he lamented that Nigeria has squandered divine gifts. The same lies with the former Minister George Akume, who warned that no nation grows if a quarter of its resources are consistently mismanaged. The former Anambra governor, Peter Obi, observed bluntly that wealth cannot be entrusted to those without integrity. The United Nations is also amongst those who have repeatedly warned that mismanaged natural resources fuel instability and conflict. Where institutions are weak, resource wealth becomes combustible. Nigeria has navigated that edge for decades.
Nigeria does not suffer from a shortage of reform announcements. It suffers from a gap between announcement and enforcement. The Treasury Single Account was designed to consolidate public funds under constitutional oversight. Yet significant funds have periodically remained outside complete transparency. The problem is that audit findings often accumulate without visible recovery, prosecution, or systemic reform.
The reality is that if every naira saved from subsidy reform is not transparently reinvested in infrastructure, healthcare, education, and productivity, public trust will erode further. If intervention facilities are not tracked and repaid, agriculture will stagnate. If oil revenues are not fully remitted and independently audited, diversification will remain rhetorical, just as they have defined the system today. What will definitely propel a change when visible enforcement, recoveries, prosecutions, and institutional strengthening must replace quiet reports and circular memos.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu stands at a consequential intersection due to the critical issues unfolding. His administration has initiated painful but necessary reforms in the areas of fuel subsidy removal, exchange-rate unification, and fiscal restructuring. One stands to say that these measures aim to restore macroeconomic order. But for a fact, macroeconomic stability is a foundation, not a destination. His presidency will either mark the beginning of Nigeria’s fiscal rescue or consolidate a system that mortgages tomorrow to survive today.
Human capital cannot remain peripheral. Education aligned with labour-market needs, vocational capacity, healthcare access, and social protection are economic multiplier, not welfare indulgences. Capital expenditure must prioritise integrated infrastructure like power transmission, logistics corridors, and digital connectivity, that unlocks productivity. Every earned naira must enter the Federation Account transparently. Every statutory surplus must be constitutionally remitted. Every diversion must carry a consequence.
One thing that must be understood today is that Nigeria’s future will not be determined solely by oil output or GDP growth percentages. It will be determined by whether resources translate into reliable electricity, functioning roads, expanding industries, competitive exports, and rising household incomes. A nation can borrow to build bridges. Or it can borrow to pay salaries. The former compounds growth. The latter compounds debt.
If deficits translate into visible infrastructure, industrial expansion, thriving private enterprise, and strengthened revenue generation, history will record this era as a bold recalibration. If not, it will be remembered as deferred reckoning.
Nigeria has been wealthy for decades. What it has lacked is disciplined guardianship of that wealth. End the era of systemic leakage and institutional silence, or preside over its continuation. The choice is stark but clear. The point is, this is not just about one leader’s legacy; it is about the future of over 200 million Nigerians and generations.
And for nearly 200 million Nigerians, the outcome will define not just a presidency, but a generation.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: bl***********@***il.com
Feature/OPED
How Christians Can Stay Connected to Their Faith During This Lenten Period
It’s that time of year again, when Christians come together in fasting and prayer. Whether observing the traditional Lent or entering a focused period of reflection, it’s a chance to connect more deeply with God, and for many, this season even sets the tone for the year ahead.
Of course, staying focused isn’t always easy. Life has a way of throwing distractions your way, a nosy neighbour, a bus driver who refuses to give you your change, or that colleague testing your patience. Keeping your peace takes intention, and turning off the noise and staying on course requires an act of devotion.
Fasting is meant to create a quiet space in your life, but if that space isn’t filled with something meaningful, old habits can creep back in. Sustaining that focus requires reinforcement beyond physical gatherings, and one way to do so is to tune in to faith-based programming to remain spiritually aligned throughout the period and beyond.
On GOtv, Christian channels such as Dove TV channel 113, Faith TV and Trace Gospel provide sermons, worship experiences and teachings that echo what is being practised in churches across the country.
From intentional conversations on Faith TV on GOtv channel 110 to true worship on Trace Gospel on channel 47, these channels provide nurturing content rooted in biblical teaching, worship, and life application. Viewers are met with inspiring sermons, reflections on scripture, and worship sessions that help form a rhythm of devotion. During fasting periods, this kind of consistent spiritual input becomes a source of encouragement, helping believers stay anchored in prayer and mindful of God’s presence throughout their daily routines.
To catch all these channels and more, simply subscribe, upgrade, or reconnect by downloading the MyGOtv App or dialling *288#. You can also stream anytime with the GOtv Stream App.
Plus, with the We Got You offer, available until 28th February 2026, subscribers automatically upgrade to the next package at no extra cost, giving you access to more channels this season.
Feature/OPED
Turning Stolen Hardware into a Data Dead-End
By Apu Pavithran
In Johannesburg, the “city of gold,” the most valuable resource being mined isn’t underground; it’s in the pockets of your employees.
With an average of 189 cellphones reported stolen daily in South Africa, Gauteng province has become the hub of a growing enterprise risk landscape.
For IT leaders across the continent, a “lost phone” is rarely a matter of a misplaced device. It is frequently the result of a coordinated “snatch and grab,” where the hardware is incidental, and corporate data is the true objective.
Industry reports show that 68% of company-owned device breaches stem from lost or stolen hardware. In this context, treating mobile security as a “nice-to-have” insurance policy is no longer an option. It must function as an operational control designed for inevitability.
In the City of Gold, Data Is the Real Prize
When a fintech agent’s device vanishes, the $300 handset cost is a rounding error. The real exposure lies in what that device represents: authorised access to enterprise systems, financial tools, customer data, and internal networks.
Attackers typically pursue one of two outcomes: a quick wipe for resale on the secondary market or, far more dangerously, a deep dive into corporate apps to extract liquid assets or sellable data.
Clearly, many organisations operate under the dangerous assumption that default manufacturer security is sufficient. In reality, a PIN or fingerprint is a flimsy barrier if a device is misconfigured or snatched while unlocked. Once an attacker gets in, they aren’t just holding a phone; they are holding the keys to copy data, reset passwords, or even access admin tools.
The risk intensifies when identity-verification systems are tied directly to the compromised device. Multi-Factor Authentication (MFA), widely regarded as a gold standard, can become a vulnerability if the authentication factor and the primary access point reside on the same compromised device. In such cases, the attacker may not just have a phone; they now have a valid digital identity.
The exposure does not end at authentication. It expands with the structure of the modern workforce.
65% of African SMEs and startups now operate distributed teams. The Bring Your Own Device (BYOD) culture has left many IT departments blind to the health of their fleet, as personal devices may be outdated or jailbroken without any easy way to know.
Device theft is not new in Africa. High-profile incidents, including stolen government hardware, reinforce a simple truth: physical loss is inevitable. The real measure of resilience is whether that loss has any residual value. You may not stop the theft. But you can eliminate the reward.
Theft Is Inevitable, Exposure is Not
If theft cannot always be prevented, systems must be designed so that stolen devices yield nothing of consequence. This shift requires structured, automated controls designed to contain risk the moment loss occurs.
Develop an Incident Response Plan (IRP)
The moment a device is reported missing, predefined actions should trigger automatically: access revocation, session termination, credential reset and remote lock or wipe.
However, such technical playbooks are only as fast as the people who trigger them. Employees must be trained as the first line of defence —not just in the use of strong PINs and biometrics, but in the critical culture of immediate reporting. In high-risk environments, containment windows are measured in minutes, not hours.
Audit and Monitor the Fleet Regularly
Control begins with visibility. Without a continuous, comprehensive audit, IT teams are left responding to incidents after damage has occurred.
Opting for tools like Endpoint Detection and Response (EDR) allows IT teams to spot subtle, suspicious activities or unusual access attempts that signal a compromised device.
Review Device Security Policies
Security controls must be enforced at the management layer, not left to user discretion. Encryption, patch updates and screen-lock policies should be mandatory across corporate devices.
In BYOD environments, ownership-aware policies are essential. Corporate data must remain governed by enterprise controls regardless of device ownership.
Decouple Identity from the Device
Legacy SMS-based authentication models introduce avoidable risk when the authentication channel resides on the compromised handset. Stronger identity models, including hardware tokens, reduce this dependency.
At the same time, native anti-theft features introduced by Apple and Google, such as behavioural theft detection and enforced security delays, add valuable defensive layers. These controls should be embedded into enterprise baselines rather than treated as optional enhancements.
When Stolen Hardware Becomes Worthless
With POPIA penalties now reaching up to R10 million or a decade of imprisonment for serious data loss offences, the Information Regulator has made one thing clear: liability is strict, and the financial fallout is absolute. Yet, a PwC survey reveals a staggering gap: only 28% of South African organisations are prioritising proactive security over reactive firefighting.
At the same time, the continent is battling a massive cybersecurity skills shortage. Enterprises simply do not have the boots on the ground to manually patch every vulnerability or chase every “lost” terminal. In this climate, the only viable path is to automate the defence of your data.
Modern mobile device management (MDM) platforms provide this automation layer.
In field operations, “where” is the first indicator of “what.” If a tablet assigned to a Cape Town district suddenly pings on a highway heading out of the city, you don’t need a notification an hour later—you need an immediate response. An effective MDM system offers geofencing capabilities, automatically triggering a remote lock when devices breach predefined zones.
On Supervised iOS and Android Enterprise devices, enforced Factory Reset Protection (FRP) ensures that even after a forced wipe, the device cannot be reactivated without organisational credentials, eliminating resale value.
For BYOD environments, we cannot ignore the fear that corporate oversight equates to a digital invasion of personal lives. However, containerization through managed Work Profiles creates a secure boundary between corporate and personal data. This enables selective wipe capabilities, removing enterprise assets without intruding on personal privacy.
When integrated with identity providers, device posture and user identity can be evaluated together through multi-condition compliance rules. Access can then be granted, restricted, or revoked based on real-time risk signals.
Platforms built around unified endpoint management and identity integration enable this model of control. At Hexnode, this convergence of device governance and identity enforcement forms the foundation of a proactive security mandate. It transforms mobile fleets from distributed risk points into centrally controlled assets.
In high-risk environments, security cannot be passive. The goal is not recovery. It is irrelevant, ensuring that once a device leaves authorised hands, it holds no data, no identity leverage, and no operational value.
Apu Pavithran is the CEO and founder of Hexnode
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