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Upholding Governor Okowa’s Gbaramatu Initiative As Panacea For Niger Delta Peace

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By Ephraim Okwuosa

The recent initiative of the Delta State Governor, Dr Ifeanyi Okowa, in requesting the company of immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan for a joint visit to Gbaramatu kingdom in the oil producing area of Niger Delta in pursuit of peace, is clear demonstration that a new wave of patriotic support has emerged to boost the on-going efforts of the President Buhari’s leadership to restore peace in the Niger Delta region.

Governor Ifeanyi Okowa’s role as a new dove in the Niger Delta crisis despite his contrasting partisan interest with the Nigeria’s ruling government of President Buhari is not only highly commendable  but demonstrates unique intent for collective pursuit of peace.

Nevertheless, this Okowa’s presumed desire for peace demands a thorough substantive discussion that should not end with mere rhetoric.

For now, it is wise to recognise that the fresh initiative for calm by Governor Okowa may be the much needed rational response to the Niger Delta uncertainty. In truth, Governor Okowa’s idea of taking former President Goodluck Jonathan to appeal to the King of Gbaramatu for peace in the Niger Delta region is considered an effective and purposeful diplomacy. Indeed, it is an indication that peace in the Niger Delta may no longer be a distant prospect because this particular action shares a number of features with the past strategy employed in restoring peace in the Niger Delta by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua.

Without a doubt, the problems of militancy in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria’s oil producing areas have had real bite in reducing the Federal Government’s revenue particularly in its era of economic recession. Presently, under President Muhammadu Buhari’s leadership, where both oil production and price have sharply reduced, what this simply portends is likely threat of economic turmoil for a nation with inadequate foreign reserves, yet highly dependent on troubled proceeds from oil sales which accounts for over eighty percent of its foreign revenue.

That the crisis situation in Niger Delta has largely contributed in casting Nigeria led democratic government of President Buhari to be described a nation with seeming economic uncertainty does not call for any expanded debate. In any case, the fact is that at the moment, any purposeful discourse on Nigeria cannot end without including the depressing reality associated with vandalization of oil facilities and insecurity caused by some disgruntled persons. These illegitimate actions have not only brought about so much devastation on the country’s economy but also introduced an unprecedented level of suffering to a majority of the Nigerian population. All these combined with issues of inappropriate and confusing government economic policies have resulted in the dwindling value of Nigeria’s currency, growing unemployment, complications in the management of the economy, delayed salaries and disappearing business outfits.

Succinctly put, Nigeria’s pathetic situation has left over half of its population reeling in economic hardships. Conceivably, the current state of affairs might be the reason why some economic analysts strongly believe that without the stoppage of hostilities in the Niger Delta, Nigeria’s quest to overcome its recession may just be a dream too distant for actualization. Such analysts, even though recorded to have commended the tasking efforts of the seventy four year old President Buhari in addressing corrupting, remain sceptical that the global conversing by the Nigerian government for fresh investments will translate to meaningful gains without appropriately addressing the domestic problems of the Niger Delta disturbances which has projected Nigeria as unsafe for investment especially for oil related activities.

Even so, one twisty contradiction herein is that these acts of violence perpetuated by persons largely termed Niger Delta militants are best described as self-inflicted injuries. This is particularly so because those that advance such ignoble activities are not immune to the economic hardship they cause the Nigerian people.

Specifically, even the nine oil producing states that were hitherto classified as rich and distinctively different courtesy of billions of naira they earn as monthly allocation from oil derivation have witnessed diminished revenue which has made them incapable of paying salaries to their workers.

On this Niger Delta predicament, the factual reality is that even though there is no amount of logic that would provide legitimate excuses for the violent acts and ill motivations of the Niger Delta militants, their claim of being the goose that lay the golden eggs yet neither feeds appropriately from it nor enjoys a proportionate share cannot be dismissed in any quality dialogue. Arguably, some persons may wish to use similar premises like Nigeria’s days of groundout pyramids to reach a set of varied troubling conclusions or raise skewed questions on the alleged preferential treatment of Niger Delta oil producing communities but this does not reflect the realities in oil production activities and the dangers it brings to the communities at a gain to the Federal Government.

Consequently, the actuality remains that people from oil producing areas and those causing problems in the Niger Delta should be treated as mere trouble makers but pacified through rational responses and constructive dialogue. Indeed, the recent renewed violence in the Niger Delta region even though suspicious of skewed motive is a specific situation that calls for definite practical and sensible responses. This why I find the recent visit of Governor Okowa and Former President Jonathan to Gbaramatu Kingdom very relevant and necessary for an expansive discussion.

Presently, the Niger Delta region though summed with the tag of complex unsettled issues is certainly not beyond remediation either by brute force or dialogue. However, on a sensible reasoning, dialogue remains a best option for peace if really Nigeria is desirous of continuing its oil production in the said region.

In fact, it is also important to state that in any diverse society like Nigeria, at times unity may not suggest absolute uniformity because of existing varied interest groups and agitations. None the less, on some issues, national interest must take first place as there are lines that should not be crossed even by the most focused agitation; otherwise such may upturn the security and economic interests of a country.

Certainly, this is what I think the President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration has tried to preach to the Niger Delta people.

Unfortunately, the government’s approach of communication does not seem most appropriate especially for a people that have ears that seem blocked on the assumption of righteous anger.

Again, on this dismal issue of Niger Delta restiveness, a lot of objective observers have posited that the Nigerian government is not blame free because contrary to its claim of doing so much for the Niger Delta, there exist a lot of contentious issues.

Fundamentally, to the majority of Niger Delta people, the Nigerian Government is largely termed as another bullying masquerade that claims it is assisting on the one hand, yet on the other divide; it silently kills host communities through oil exploration activities without apposite corresponding development and remediation measures over issues of environmental degradation. Indeed, this remains a major disputation in government’s involvement in oil production activities in Niger Delta.

On the other hand, granted that various efforts have been made by the Buhari’s administration to establish likely mechanisms it thinks would stop the violence in Niger Delta, however with due acknowledgement to the good efforts of the present Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr Ibe Kachikwu, the reality is that such efforts are yet to provide any signal for long lasting peace. Consequently, the big question herein is, how best can the Nigerian government achieve stability in the Niger Delta region with neither force nor needless deaths, an issue which was hitherto almost perfectly tackled for almost a decade until the arrival of the President Buhari’s administration. Politely put, is it not possible to create a new line of diplomacy that can constructively persuade the militants to understand that there can never be any reasonable justification or righteousness for any group of persons to engage in extreme violence of murder of security personnel, innocent citizens and workers in guise of pursuit of self-aspirations? On this, the Nigerian Government seems to be missing the woods for the trees.

In any case, the need to support peace with determined action is a must for both the people of Niger Delta and the Nigerian government.

However, while the Niger Delta militants must get over the delusion that their inappropriate actions will provide credible solutions to their seeming neglect, on the converse, the Government should stop listening to only those that think vandalization of oil facilities by militants can be stopped by the power of military confrontation. With hindsight, it is easy to say this may just end up as an unnecessary war that the Nigerian military is woefully underprepared to win without causing thousands of civilian casualties and huge damage to the human rights of persons the government claims it is desirous to give better lives.

Besides the many ambiguities that surround Niger Delta and the widely presumed attitude of Government’s neglect, the essential truth is that it is hopelessly naïve for any reasonable person to think that meaningful development will take place in Niger Delta region without peace.

Indeed, even though it is not far from fact that the Niger Delta people believe they have been highly marginalized by previous governments until the emergence of the late President Umaru Yar’adua’s

Amnesty in exchange for peace programme, in the present situation, what is essentially needed is not much squabble but a quick resolution of the differing issues for common good. Indeed, many polity watchers believe that the unique approach of peace employed by the late President Yar’Adua did not only clear the major obstacles of doubt but opened possibilities of trust on many issues of common interest between the government and the Niger Delta people.

Realistically, any reasonable analyst on Niger Delta crisis will automatically understand that the exclusive peace initiative of the late President Yar’Adua was actually what guaranteed tranquillity in the Niger Delta region for almost a decade. Indeed, the Yar’adua’s peace initiative actually did show that talking frankly with the militants is not an admission of incompetence.

Rather, it is wisdom which opens doors to strategic partnership for worthwhile deal for all parties in the Niger Delta crisis. Unfortunately, with Muhammadu Buhari as President and the militants back to the creeks to continue violence, there is no doubt that the late President Yar’adua’s peace initiative has been weakened to a state of near collapse. A regrettable incident and sad issue is that  many people do not have the understanding that the entire blame should not be on the door steps of President Buhari but more on the greed of some different actors from the Niger Delta extract over socio political and economic personal gains. This is why the President must be clear eyed on what he reads about the Niger Delta crisis from some of trusted persons.

For now, it may not be strange that even those politicians close to Mr President may be offering half-truths that give the an erroneous impression of the Niger Delta mess, thus sadly creating apprehension that may  negatively motivate those that have sympathy for the militants not to embrace any patriotic zeal that will encourage an end to the conflict. This is for sure the extend that greed and politics have thrust Niger Delta.

Interestingly, despite the above stated conjectures, all hope does not appear lost for genuine peace in Niger Delta. This is because after long months of chaos and imbroglio, it does seem that some persons from Niger Delta are beginning to think more creatively.  The recent visit of Governor Okowa and former President Jonathan to Gbaramatu is clear testament that the quest for peace has gained steam. Indeed, any good follower of Niger Delta crisis ought to know the historical significance of Gbaramatu Kingdom. For avoidance of doubt, Gbaramatu is strategically located in the oil producing area of Delta State in the Niger Delta Region. It is a major Ijaw ethnic settlement that consists of many communities including Okerenkoko and Oporoza.

Also, it is the home of one Chief Government Ekpemupolo a.k.a Tompolo, a well-known influential ex militant or militant depending on how one’s lenses are polarized. Certainly, given the new realities in the Niger Delta, the categorization of Tompolo will form sufficient discourse elsewhere but for now, let this peace go with the healthy assumption of Ex militant because the Nigerian constitution accords his the status of innocence until proven guilty.

Never the less, it is on record that Tompolo was the force behind encouraging his co agitators to embrace the Amnesty of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua, unfortunately, that bond of peace between the Nigerian government and Tompolo faded as soon as the Buhari’s led Government charged him to court on multiple allegations of corruption and froze his bank accounts with billions of naira, he claimed he earned genuinely through contracts of pipeline monitoring and other related transactions related to sustaining peace in the Niger Delta.

Ever since the government decent on Tompolo and issuance of arrest warrant, neither, Niger Delta, Gbaramatu, Tompolo, oil production nor Nigerian economy has known peace. Whatever this means, can be easily interpreted by the average mind but the truth is that Tompolo is still at the heart of Niger Delta matters and no amount of pretence or denial can diminish the fact of his influence over his people, an attribute the late President Yar’adua aptly utilized to attain peace in the Niger Delta.

For ease of comprehension on Gbaramatu’s significance and Tompolo’s influence, in May 2009, according to Media reports, the Gbaramatu kingdom was attacked by a combined team of Army, Navy and Air force known as Joint Task Force (JTF). Military aircraft was used in attacking Tompolo’s infamous Camp 5 and his personal house at Oporoza.

During the said military operation, it was alleged that innocent women and children were reportedly killed. Indeed, the military was said to have been provoked into taking the action because some of their personnel were allegedly attacked by the militants.

Thereafter, at the instance of the late President Yar’Adua, his then Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan visited the Gbaramatu kingdom for successful peace talk with Tompolo and his fellow travelers. Definitely, the 2009 visit to Gbaramatu was highly instrumental to ending Niger Delta violence under the late President Umaru Yar’Adua; an event that will be too difficult to discard in the documentation of the history of Niger Delta.

Specifically, the recent joint visit of Governor Okowa and former President Goodluck Jonathan to Gbaramatu in search of peace signals a personal commitment of these leaders that are indigenes of Niger Delta. That these men have spoken openly on an issue of national concern implicitly acknowledging that peace in the Niger Delta is a necessity, deserves commendation. The primacy of the visit by the duo of Governor Okowa and former President Goodluck Jonathan to Gbaramatu is that it has the potential of accomplishing success like the 2009 visit to Gbaramatu by former Delta State Governor, Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan and the same Goodluck Jonathan.

While it is unrealistic to assume that the mere presence of Okowa and Goodluck Jonathan will magically bring about cessation of violence in Niger Delta without necessary corresponding actions by major parties in the crisis, nevertheless, the simple fact herein is that what Governor Okowa has resurrected at Gbaramatu will provide opportunity for some behind-the-scenes work that is certain to offer a more holistic approach to resolving the Niger Delta crisis. Such a vital peace initiative should not be allowed to crash on the basis of Government’s usual attitude of Talk only, No action, NATO or swallowed by unnecessary political cynicism, and bitterness.

Consequently, now that Governor Okowa has provided a decent chance for what appears to be a short but effective road to peace, this diplomacy should not be thrown to the dustbin of history. The government of President Buhari must take on this positive momentum because if genuine actions for peace are swiftly pursued including quashing cases in court against some militants like Tompolo, then Yar’adua’s success on quelling militancy in Niger Delta may repeat itself.

Certainly, there would be deep misgivings about the wisdom of this recommendation but the naked fact and unpretentious ugly reality is that Tompolo and company are significant interest group in this Niger Delta issue. Any denial of this should best be regarded as an assault to the sensibilities of any credible analyst.

Be that as it may, the fact is that with present circumstances in Niger Delta, the capturing of Tompolo by the gallant men of Nigeria’s military on the basis of suspicion for alleged connection with militancy may just take a little time but will that ever suggest lasting peace in Niger Delta? Even the pursuit of seeming justice for the incarceration of Tompolo on issues related to alleged corruption is very unwise especially given that the entire momentary value in question is less than what is lost by the Nigerian government to violence in just a day in the Niger Delta crisis. Without quality reason and diplomacy, such actions of government may introduce a fresh set of complications.

Fortunately, many analysts have already stated that such a judicial pursuit though apt is certainly deficient in common sense and the cost of sustaining military presence in the region is huge waste for a country in recession. This is even twisty for the people of Niger Delta that controversially lay ceaseless claim that they deserve 50 percent of resource control from oil production in their region against the existing 13% offered by the Nigerian Government. This is why this writer believes that those that have the ears of President Buhari must not be petty minded on their nature of advice relating to this sad issue that has grossly affected the Nigerian economy put millions of Nigeria in hunger and angry. Firmly put, if the government ever agrees to embrace the wisdom of genuine especially for a soft landing for the assumed new militants and enhancement of the Paul Boroh led

Amnesty, Rehabilitation and Reintegration Initiative of President Buhari, then failure of these new militants to adhere to peace will be a self-inflicted tragedy that would not only ruin them but will make them miss a last viable opportunity to access a likely new form of Amnesty which the focused Okowa’s initiative might negotiate for them.

All said, Governor Okowa in his capacity as the Leader of an area that accounts for about sixty percent of this new militancy must further his peace initiative to actually demonstrate that he is both good at talking peace and walking the walk. On the other side, both the government and militants must see this Governor Okowa’s diplomacy as the best hope for the salvation of the Niger Delta and Nigeria’s economic concerns, thus encourage and embrace it.

Dr Ephraim Okwuosa, a concerned citizen from Niger Delta and Co-ordinator, Anti-Corruption Advocates, writes from Area 11, Garki, Abuja.

Dipo Olowookere is a journalist based in Nigeria that has passion for reporting business news stories. At his leisure time, he watches football and supports 3SC of Ibadan. Mr Olowookere can be reached via [email protected]

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How AI Levels the Playing Field for SMEs

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A! in SMEs

By Linda Saunders

Intro: In many small businesses, the owner often starts out as the bookkeeper, the customer-service desk, the IT technician and the person who steps in when a delivery goes wrong. With so many balls up in the air – and such little room for error – one dropped ball can derail the entire day and trigger a chain of problems that’s hard to recover from. Unlike larger companies that have the luxury of spreading the load across dedicated teams and systems, SMEs carry it all on a few shoulders.

South Africa’s SME sector carries significant weight, contributing around 19% of GDP and a third of formal employment, according to the latest available Trade & Industrial Policy Strategies (TIPS) 2024 review. That is causing persistent constraints, including tight margins, erratic demand, high administrative load, and limited internal capacity.

This is not unique to South Africa. Many smaller businesses across the continent still rely on manual processes. It is common to find sales records kept separately from customer notes, or inventory data that is updated only occasionally. The result is slow turnaround times, duplicated effort and a lack of visibility across the business. Given that SMEs have such a huge influence on national economies, accounting for over 90% of all businesses, between 20-40% of GDP in some African countries, and a major source of employment, providing around 80% of jobs, these operational constraints have a broad impact on economies.

What has changed in recent years is that digital tools once seen as the preserve of larger companies have become more attainable for smaller operators. They do not remove the structural challenges SMEs face, but they can ease the load. Better systems do not replace judgement, experience or customer relationships; they simply give small companies more room to work with.

Cloud-based systems, automation and integrated customer-management tools have become more affordable and easier to deploy. They do not remove the structural pressures facing small businesses, but they can ease the operational load and create more space for productive work.

Doing more with the teams SMEs already have

Small teams often end up wearing several hats. One person might take customer calls, update stock records, handle service issues and manage follow-ups. When demand rises, these manual processes become harder to sustain. Local surveys regularly point to this strain, showing that smaller companies spend significant portions of the week on paperwork, compliance and routine administrative tasks – work that adds little value but cannot be ignored.

This is where automation is proving useful. Routine tasks such as onboarding new customers, checking documents, routing queries to the right person, logging interactions and sending follow-ups can now run quietly in the background. In larger companies, whole departments handle this work. In small businesses, the same burden has traditionally fallen on one or two people. When these processes run reliably without constant attention, a business with 10 employees can manage busier periods without rushed outsourcing or slipping service standards.

The point is not to replace staff, but to reduce the operational drag that limits what small teams can deliver. Structured workflows give SMEs a level of steadiness they have rarely had the time or money to build themselves.

Using better data to make better decisions

A second constraint facing SMEs is disorganised information. When customer details are lost in email, sales notes in chat groups, stock figures in spreadsheets and queries in separate systems, decisions depend on whatever information happens to be at hand. Forecasting becomes guesswork, and early warning signs are easy to miss.

Putting all this information in a single place changes the quality of decision-making. When sales, service and stock data can be viewed together, patterns become easier to spot: which products are moving, which customers are becoming less active, where delays tend to occur, and which periods consistently drive higher demand.

Importantly, SMEs do not need corporate analytics teams for this. Modern CRM platforms can organise information automatically and surface basic trends. For retailers preparing for 2026, this can help avoid over – or under – stocking. For service businesses, it can highlight customers who may be at risk of leaving, prompting earlier intervention. In competitive markets, having clearer information is a practical advantage.

Building a foundation before the pressure arrives

Rapid growth can be as destabilising for SMEs as an economic downturn. When orders increase, manual processes quickly reach their limit. Errors are more likely, staff become overwhelmed and the customer experience suffers. Many small businesses only upgrade their systems once these problems appear, by which time the cost, both financial and reputational, is already significant.

Putting basic workflow tools and a unified customer record in place early provides a useful buffer. Tasks follow the same steps every time, reducing inconsistency. Customers reach the right person more quickly. Staff spend less time checking or re-entering information and more time on work that matters. These small operational gains compound over time, especially during busy periods.

This is not about chasing every new technology. It is about avoiding a common pattern in the SME sector: when demand rises, systems buckle, and growth becomes more difficult.

Confidence matters as much as capability

Smaller companies understandably worry about risk when adopting new systems. Data protection, monitoring, and compliance can feel daunting without an IT department. The advantage of modern platforms is that many of these protections, like encryption, audit trails, and event monitoring, are built in. Transparent design also helps SMEs understand how automated decisions are made and how customer data is handled.

This reassurance is important because SMEs should not have to choose between improving their operations and protecting their customers’ information.

2026 will reward readiness

Technology will not replace the qualities that give SMEs their edge: personal service, flexibility, and the ability to respond quickly to customer needs. What it can do is relieve the administrative load that prevents those strengths from being fully used.

SMEs that invest in simple automation and better data practices now will enter 2026 with greater capacity and clearer insight. They won’t be competing with larger companies by matching their resources, but by removing the disadvantages that have traditionally held them back.

In the year ahead, the most competitive businesses will not be the biggest; they’ll be the ones that prepared early for the year ahead.

Linda Saunders is the Country Manager & Senior Director Solution Engineering for Africa at Salesforce

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Why Africa Requires Homegrown Trade Finance to Boost Economic Integration

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Cyprian Rono Ecobank Kenya

By Cyprian Rono

Africa’s quest to trade with itself has never been more urgent. With the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) gaining momentum, governments are working to deepen intra-African commerce. The idea of “One African Market” is no longer aspirational; it is emerging as a strategic pathway for economic growth, job creation, and industrial competitiveness. Yet even as infrastructure and regulatory reforms advance, one fundamental question remains; how will Africa finance its cross-border trade, across markets with diverse currencies, regulations, and standards?

Today, only 15 to 18 percent of Africa’s internal trade happens within the continent, compared to 68 percent in Europe and 59 percent in Asia. Closing this gap is essential if AfCFTA is to deliver prosperity to Africa’s 1.3 billion people.

A major constraint is the continent’s huge trade finance deficit, which exceeds USD 81 billion annually, according to the African Development Bank. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which provide more than 80 percent of the continent’s jobs, are the most affected. Many struggle with insufficient collateral, stringent risk profiling and compliance requirements that mirror international banking standards rather than the realities of African business.

To build integrated value chains, exporters and importers must operate within trusted, predictable, and interconnected financial systems. This requires strong pan-African financial institutions with both local knowledge and continental reach.

Homegrown trade finance is therefore indispensable. Pan-African banks combine deep domestic roots with extensive regional reach, making them the most credible engines for financing trade integration. By retaining financial activity within the continent, homegrown lenders reduce exposure to external shocks and keep liquidity circulating locally. They also strengthen existing regional payment infrastructure such as the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS), developed by the Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) and backed by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat, enabling faster, cheaper and seamless cross-border payments across the continent.

Digital transformation amplifies this advantage. Real-time payments, seamless Know-Your-Customer (KYC) verification, automated credit scoring and consistent service delivery across markets are essential for intra-African trade. Institutions such as Ecobank, operating in 34 African countries with integrated core banking systems, demonstrate how such digital ecosystems can enable continent-wide commerce.

Platforms such as Ecobank’s Omni, Rapidtransfer and RapidCollect, together with digital account-opening services, make it much easier for traders to operate across borders. Rapidtransfer enables instant, secure payments across Ecobank’s 34-country network, reducing delays in regional trade, while RapidCollect gives cross-border enterprises the ability to receive payments from multiple African countries into a single account with real-time confirmation and automated reconciliation. Together, these solutions create an integrated digital ecosystem that lowers friction, accelerates payments, and strengthens intra-African commerce.

Trust, however, remains a significant barrier. Cross-border commerce depends on the confidence that partners will honour contracts, deliver goods as promised, pay on time, and present authentic documentation. Traders often lack reliable information on potential partners, operate under different regulatory regimes, and exchange documents that are difficult to verify across borders. This heightens the risk of fraud, non-payment, and contractual disputes, discouraging businesss from expanding beyond familiar markets.

Technology is closing this trust gap. Artificial Intelligence enables lenders to assess risk using alternative data for SMEs without formal credit histories. Distributed ledger tools make shipping documents, certificates of origin, and inspection reports tamper-proof. In addition, supply-chain visibility platforms enable real-time tracking of goods and cross-border digital KYC ensures that both buyers and sellers are verified before any transaction occurs.

Ecobank’s Single Trade Hub embodies this trust infrastructure by offering a secure digital marketplace where buyers and sellers can trade with confidence, even in markets where no prior relationships exist. The platform’s Trade Intelligence suite provides customers instant access to market data from customs information and product classification tools across 133 countries.

Through its unique features such as the classification of best import/export markets, over 25,000 market and industry reports, customs duty calculators, and local and universal customs classification codes, businesses can accurately assess market opportunities, anticipate trends, reduce compliance risks, and optimise supply chains, ultimately helping them compete and grow in regional and global markets.

SMEs need more than financing. Many operate in cash-heavy cycles where suppliers and logistics providers require upfront payment. Lenders can support these businesses with advisory services, business intelligence, compliance guidance, and platforms for secure partner verification, contract negotiation, and secure settlement of payments. Trade fairs, industry forums, and partnerships with chambers of commerce further build the trust networks needed for cross-border trade.

Ultimately, Africa’s path toward meaningful trade integration begins with financial integration. AfCFTA’s promise will only be realised when enterprises can trade with confidence, knowing that payments will be honoured, partners verified, and disputes resolved. This requires collaboration between banks, regulators, and trade institutions, alongside harmonised financial regulations, interoperable payment systems, and continent-wide verification networks.

Africa can no longer rely on external actors to finance its trade. Its economic transformation depends on strong, trusted, and digitally enabled African financial institutions that understand Africa’s unique risks and opportunities. By building an African-led trade finance ecosystem, the continent can unlock liquidity, reduce dependence on external currencies, empower SMEs, and retain more value locally. Africa’s trade revolution will accelerate when its financing is driven by African institutions, African systems, and African ambition.

Cyprian Rono is the Director of Corporate and Investment Banking for Kenya and EAC at Ecobank Kenya

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Tax Reform or Financial Exclusion? The Trouble with Mandatory TINs

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Tax Reform or Financial Exclusion

By Blaise Udunze

It is not only questionable but an aberration that a nation where over 38million Nigerians remain financially excluded, where trust in institutions is fragile, and where citizens are pressured under the weight of rising living costs, the use of Tax Identification Number (TIN) has been specified as the only option for their bank accounts operation from January 1, 2026 by the Federal Government of Nigeria.

In practice, the policy spearheaded by Taiwo Oyedele, Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, is rooted in the Nigerian Tax Administration Act (NTAA), and the intention can be understood in the areas of improving tax compliance, widening the tax net, and formalizing economic activities. But in practice, the directive risks becoming yet another well-meaning reform that punishes the wrong people, disrupts financial inclusiveness, and potentially destabilises an already stressed economy.

Yes, Nigeria needs tax reforms. Yes, the country must broaden its tax base. And yes, public revenues must increase to address fiscal pressures.

But compelling citizens to obtain TINs as a condition for operating bank accounts is the wrong tool for the right objective.

Below are five core arguments against the directive, and sustainable alternatives that actually strengthen tax compliance without endangering banking access or punishing informal earners.

The Directive Risks Deepening Financial Exclusion

Nigeria still struggles with financial inclusion. According to several official assessments, over 38 million adults remain outside the formal financial system. Many of them operate small, irregular businesses, survive through subsistence earnings, or depend on cash-based livelihoods.

The Federal Government’s compulsory TIN-for-bank-accounts policy is built on the assumption that every banked Nigerian is structured, organised, and tax-ready. This is false.

For instance, the rural market woman with N30,000 in rotating savings, the okada rider who deposits cash once a week, the petty trader using a mobile POS agent account, the retiring pensioner managing a small monthly income, and the migrant worker sends small remittances to their family. These are not tax evaders; they are survivalists.

Most operate bank accounts not because they run formal businesses, but because those accounts are essential to modern financial life: receiving transfers, accessing loans, participating in digital commerce, saving against emergencies, and avoiding the risks of moving cash in insecure environments.

By creating an additional bureaucratic barrier, the directive risks pushing millions back into a cash-dominant shadow economy, precisely the opposite outcome of what Nigeria’s financial-sector reforms are trying to achieve.

Bank Accounts Are Not Proof of Taxable Income

The NTAA clarifies that the TIN requirement applies only to taxable persons, individuals engaged in trade, employment, or income-generating activities.

But herein lies the problem: banks cannot determine who is “taxable” and who is not. Banks only see deposits and withdrawals. They do not audit the source or consistency of income. They are not tax authorities.

A student may run a small online clothing resale gig. A retiree may occasionally rent out farmland.

A dependent may receive cash support from a relative abroad. A job seeker may get intermittent gifts from family.

Who decides which of these scenarios qualifies as taxable? Banks? FIRS? Or will citizens be expected to self-declare under threat of account restrictions?

The result will be confusion, over-compliance, and mass panic with banks indiscriminately demanding TINs from everyone to avoid regulatory penalties.

This not only contradicts the spirit of the law but also exposes ordinary Nigerians to harassment and arbitrary compliance requirements.

The Policy Could Trigger Disruption, Panic Withdrawals, and Cash Hoarding

Whenever Nigerians perceive threats to their access to funds, the natural reaction is withdrawal and hoarding. We saw it during:

–       the 2023 Naira redesign crisis,

–       the 2016 TSA-bank consolidation tightening, and multiple periods of financial instability.

Telling citizens that bank accounts may face “operational restrictions” if they do not obtain a TIN creates a predictable behavioural response: people will rush to withdraw money.

This would be disastrous for a banking system already pressured by:

–       high interest rates,

–       inflation eroding deposits,

–       rising loan defaults, and

–       declining public trust.

Any government policy that unintentionally creates an incentive for citizens to flee the formal banking system is counterproductive.

The TIN Requirement Will Become a Bureaucratic Nightmare

Even if millions of Nigerians want to comply, the system is not ready. Nigeria’s administrative infrastructure does not have the capacity to process tens of millions of TIN registrations within months without:

–       long queues,

–       delays,

–       data mismatches,

–       duplicate records, and

–       systemic errors.

The National Identity Number (NIN)-SIM registration experience is a painful reminder of what happens when ambitious policy meets weak execution capacity.

–       Citizens spent months in overcrowded enrolment centres.

–       Millions were blocked from services.

–       Data inconsistencies persisted.

–       The economy suffered productivity losses.

If Nigeria could not seamlessly synchronise NIN and SIM data, how will it synchronise NIN, BVN, and TIN at a national scale without dislocation?

Forcing TIN Adoption Ignores the Real Problem: Nigeria’s Broken Tax Culture

The Federal Government’s real challenge is not that citizens lack TINs, but that they lack trust in how taxes are used.

A government cannot widen the tax net when:

–       tax leakages remain widespread,

–       citizens feel services do not match taxation,

–       corruption perceptions are high,

–       government spending lacks transparency, and

–       taxpayers do not feel seen, heard, or valued.

Coercion does not build a tax culture. Engagement does. Policy does not create legitimacy. Accountability does.

If the Federal Government wants Nigerians to freely participate in the tax system, it must earn legitimacy first, not mandate compliance through financial restrictions.

What the Government Should Do Instead: A Smarter Path to Tax Reform

Instead of enforcing a policy that may backfire economically and socially, the Federal Government can adopt four smarter, people-centred alternatives.

–       Automatic TIN Issuance Linked to NIN and BVN

Rather than forcing Nigerians to apply manually, the government should:

  • auto-generate TINs for all existing BVN/NIN holders,
  • send the TINs via SMS, email, and bank alerts,
  • allow self-activation only when needed for tax obligations.

This eliminates queues, delays, and confusion.

–       Build a Voluntary Tax Compliance Culture Through Transparency and Incentives

Tax morale improves when citizens see value. Government should:

  • publish annual audited reports of tax revenue use,
  • incentivise compliant taxpayers with benefits (priority access to government grants, credit scoring, etc.),
  • simplify tax filings for small businesses.

People comply more when they feel respected, not coerced.

–       Target High-Value Tax Evaders, Not Low-Income Account Holders

Nigeria’s real tax leakages come from:

  • large corporations shifting profits,
  • politically exposed persons,
  • illicit financial flows,
  • multinational tax avoidance strategies,
  • the informal “big money” class operating outside the banking system.

Instead of threatening small depositors, the government should strengthen:

  • FIRS intelligence and investigation units,
  • inter-agency data integration (CAC, Customs, Immigration),
  • beneficial ownership transparency enforcement.

The fight against tax evasion should focus on those hiding billions, not those depositing thousands.

–       Strengthen Digital Tax Platforms for Easy Self-Registration and Compliance

If tax registration becomes as easy as opening a social media account, compliance will rise naturally. The government should build:

  • a mobile-first tax app,
  • simplified online TIN retrieval,
  • one-click tax filing for gig workers and small traders.

Digital convenience can achieve what regulatory coercion cannot.

Reform Should Not Punish the Public

No doubt, tax reforms are needed urgently, but they must come with a human face, an intelligent, equitable, and aligned with the realities of ordinary Nigerians.

The TIN-for-bank-accounts policy, while well-intentioned, risks undermining financial inclusion, triggering economic instability, and imposing unnecessary burdens on millions who are not tax evaders but survival-based earners.

Good tax policy is built on trust, not fear. On transparency, not threats. On civic legitimacy, not administrative compulsion.

If the Federal Government truly wants to modernise Nigeria’s tax system, it must focus not on restricting citizens’ access to their own money, but on:

  • repairing tax trust,
  • digitising compliance,
  • targeting the real evaders, and
  • making participation easier, not harder.

Financial inclusion took Nigeria decades to build. We cannot afford a policy that carelessly reverses these gains.

A better tax system is possible, but it must start with the people, not with their bank accounts.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos, can be reached via: [email protected]

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