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BRICS Role in Development of Polycentric World

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BRICS leaders

By Professor Maurice Okoli

At the Konstantinovsky Palace in St. Petersburg, Russian President Vladimir Putin held his first meeting with Dilma Rousseff, President of the New Development Bank (NDB), established by the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) in 2015. Rousseff, the first woman to lead the bank, was appointed to head it earlier this year by Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

It is a multilateral development bank established with an initial capital of $100 billion. According to the NDB’s stipulated primary functions, it has to cooperate with international organizations and other financial entities and provide technical assistance for projects to be supported by the Bank.

Taking this into account, the main objectives of the NDB can be summarized as follows: promote infrastructure and sustainable development projects with a significant development impact in member countries; establish an extensive network of global partnerships with other multilateral development institutions and national development banks; build a balanced project portfolio giving proper respect to their geographic location, financing requirements and other factors.

The idea for setting up the bank was proposed by India at the 4th BRICS summit in 2012 held in Delhi but was finally created three years later. On 21 December 2016, the NDB signed its first loan agreement. The bank issued loans of up to $40 billion by 2022 in South Africa. Since its creation, it has supported various projects in member countries.

In early March 2022, in response to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the New Development Bank announced that it had put new transactions with Russia on hold. Russia launched its special military operation on neighbouring Ukraine. The NDB, the multilateral bank set up by the BRICS states, is not considering new projects in Russia as it operates in line with restrictions imposed in financial and capital markets.

Late July bilateral meeting between Putin and the former Brazilian President Rousseff was to discuss BRICS financial questions and emerging geopolitical developments. Russia and Brazil are staunch members; notably, in 2014, Putin and Rousseff stood firmly at the origins of the creation of this financial structure.

In today’s changing conditions, BRICS has been very concerned about de-dollarization and strongly advocating for its currency. Thus, in the discussions on July 26 in St. Petersburg, Putin stressed doubtlessly that Rousseff used her rich experience in public work and knowledge in this area to develop the institution, which is very important in today’s time.

In today’s conditions, this is not easy to do, given what is happening in world finance and the use of the dollar as an instrument of political struggle. But the members of BRICS are not “friends” against someone; they work in each other’s interests. This also applies to the financial sector.

“In general, we are good participants in this organization; we fulfil everything on time, all our obligations to it. We know that there is a question about the liquidity of the bank; there are some ideas that come from you, from your staff, and we will support this,” Putin said at the meeting. “Relations between our countries in the BRICS are developing in national currencies, and settlements are increasing. In this regard, the bank can also play a significant role in the development of joint activities.”

It was not the first time that Dilma Rousseff visited St. Petersburg. She vividly recalled that in 2013 she was part of the G20 summit held in Konstantinovsky Palace. She stressed in comments: “I am very glad to see you again, and we really stood at the origins of the creation of the New Development Bank at the Fortaleza summit in 2014.”

The world is really now going through a period of a number of challenges; there are crisis trends and inflation in the countries of the developed world; in the developing world, countries are facing the problem of debt. And, of course, first of all, the countries of the developing world are now in difficult conditions, according to Rousseff.

Undoubtedly, the Russia-Africa summit is very important for those who are interested in the development of the Global South. Russia is a very important partner within the framework of the BRICS, within the framework of the New Development Bank, and indeed fulfils all of its obligations to them. Indeed, the bank faces a number of problems, and above all, it concerns liquidity.

The Bank should play an important role in the development of a multipolar, polycentric world. We must be determined to raise funds in the markets of partner countries. I also believe that there are no obstacles for the countries of the developing world to carry out their foreign trade operations in national currencies among themselves.

“Our development strategy for the period from 2022 to 2026 assumes that about 30 per cent of the funds should be raised in domestic markets. It is also very important to raise funds in different currencies, not only in dollars or euros,” Rousseff noted, and added, “We are very aware of the difficulties that developing countries face in raising funds. They need resources to finance infrastructure projects, to build digital logistics, social logistics and, of course, also to solve environmental problems.”

Rousseff welcomed the initiative to host the Russia-Africa summit because most of these African countries are often left without the necessary resources. Everyone focuses on the issue of their debt, ignoring the need for resources that are observed there. And it seems unacceptable to impose any conditions and requirements in exchange for funding, as is done now by international multilateral organizations. Most of these questions are on the agenda during the next 15th BRICS summit scheduled for August 22nd – 24th, 2023, at the Sandton Convention Centre in Johannesburg, South Africa.

The issues of expanding the institute by admitting countries of the developing world into it are also a priority. Rousseff added she would also meet South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in Russia, where she expects to discuss the expansion of the bank, which in recent years admitted the United Arab Emirates, Bangladesh and Egypt as members.

Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, during a meeting in May 2023, with Rousseff, said that the goal of the BRICS bank was to protect the trade and economic relations of the union from the impact of sanctions from unfriendly countries. From the bank’s activities, Russia expects the strengthening of investment cooperation in the BRICS format, the promotion of promising projects in various fields, and the emergence of new points of growth for the national economies of the five states.

In May 2022, the New Development Bank set up a regional office in India in the state of Gujarat to finance and observe infrastructure projects in both India and Bangladesh. In May 2023, Saudi Arabia expressed its intention to join the NDB. Currently, more than 40 countries have expressed a desire to join the BRICS group. That BRICS has the potential to become a global player is a fact since more countries intend to join the group, and if we look carefully, each of them has significant assets to contribute: some have huge financial potential, others have huge demographic potential, others have expertise in particular industries.

More countries have become interested in joining the group: Afghanistan, Algeria, Argentina, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belarus, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Kazakhstan, Mexico, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sudan, Syria, United Arab Emirates, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkye, Uruguay, Venezuela, Zimbabwe. This growing interest in the BRICS project has various underlying motivations, which have to be accommodated within the broader framework.

Historically, the first meeting of the group began in St Petersburg in 2005. It was called RIC, which stood for Russia, India and China. Then, Brazil and, subsequently, South Africa joined later, which is why it is now referred to as BRICS. The BRICS member countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) collectively represent about 26% of the world’s geographic area and are home to 2.88 billion people, about 42% of the world’s population.

By Professor Maurice Okoli is a fellow at the Institute for African Studies and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. He is also a fellow at the North-Eastern Federal University of Russia.

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Reviewing the Dynamics of Indian–Russian Business Partnership

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Sammy Kotwani Indian Business Association Indian–Russian Business Partnership

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:

Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations

From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.

On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.

In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.

Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)

For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.

Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:

Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.

Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.

IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.

Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.

Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.

For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?

IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.

India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation

If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers.  However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.

On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:

Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.

Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.

IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.

Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.

Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.

So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.

Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions

Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge.  It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.

However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.

Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:

Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems

We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.

Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation

To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.

Greater role for regions and business associations

Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.

Managed balancing by India

India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.

In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.

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United States Congress Pursuing AGOA Extension

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African Growth and Opportunity Act AGOA

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

After the expiration of bilateral agreement on trade, the US Congress as well as African leaders, highly recognizing its significance, has been pursuing the extension of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The agreement, which allows duty-free access to American markets for African exporters, expired on September 30, 2025.

The US Congress is advancing a bill to revive and extend AGOA, but South Africa’s continued inclusion remains uncertain. The trade pact still has strong bipartisan support, with the House Ways and Means Committee approving it 37-3. However, US Trade Representative, Jamieson Greer, raised concerns about South Africa, citing tariffs and non-tariff barriers, and said the administration could consider excluding the country.

This threat puts at risk the duty-free access that has significantly benefited South African automotive, agricultural, and wine exports. The debate highlights how trade policy is becoming entangled with broader diplomatic tensions, casting uncertainty over a key pillar of US-Africa economic relations.

Nevertheless, South Africa continues to lobby for inclusion. South Africa trade summary records show that the US goods and services trade with South Africa estimated at $26.2 billion in 2024. The US and South Africa signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) as far back as in 2012.

The duty-free access for nearly 40 African countries has boosted development and fostered more equitable and sustainable growth in Africa. By design AGOA is a useful mechanism for improving accessibility to trade competitiveness, connectivity, and productivity. During these past 25 years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa.

Key features and benefits of AGOA:

It’s worth reiterating here that during these past several years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In this case, as AGOA is closely working with the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat and with the African Union (AU), trade professionals could primarily leverage various economic sectors and unwaveringly act as bridges between the United States and Africa.

* Duty-free Access: AGOA allows eligible products from sub-Saharan African countries to enter the US market without paying tariffs.

* Promotion of Economic Growth: The program encourages economic growth by providing incentives for African countries to open their economies and build free markets.

* Encouraging Economic Reforms: AGOA encourages economic and political reforms in eligible countries, including the rule of law and market-oriented policies.

* Increased Trade and Investment: The program aims to strengthen trade and investment ties between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa.

With the changing times, Africa is also building its muscles towards a new direction since the introduction of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which was officially launched in July 2019.

In practical terms, trading under the AfCFTA commenced in January 2021. And the United States has prioritized the AfCFTA as one mechanism through which to strengthen its long-term relations with the continent. In the context of the crucial geopolitical changes, African leaders, corporate executives, and the entire business community are optimistic over the extension of AGOA, for mutually beneficial trade partnerships with the United States.

Worthy to say that AGOA, to a considerable degree, as a significant trade policy has played a crucial role in promoting economic growth and development in sub-Saharan Africa.

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Accelerating Intra-Africa Trade and Sustainable Development

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Intra-Africa Trade

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Africa stands at the cusp of a transformative digital revolution. With the expansion of mobile connectivity, internet penetration, digital platforms, and financial technology, the continent’s digital economy is poised to become a significant driver of sustainable development, intra-Africa trade, job creation, and economic inclusion.

The African Union’s Agenda 2063, particularly Aspiration 1 (a prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development), highlights the importance of leveraging technology and innovation. The implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has opened a new chapter in market integration, creating opportunities to unlock the full potential of the digital economy across all sectors.

Despite remarkable progress, challenges persist. These include limited digital infrastructure, disparities in digital literacy, fragmented regulatory frameworks, inadequate access to financing for tech-based enterprises, and gender gaps in digital participation. Moreover, Africa must assert its digital sovereignty, build local data ecosystems, and secure cyber-infrastructure to thrive in a rapidly changing global digital landscape.

Against this backdrop, the 16th African Union Private Sector Forum provides a timely platform to explore and shape actionable strategies for harnessing Africa’s digital economy to accelerate intra-Africa trade and sustainable development.

The 16th High-Level AU Private Sector forum is set to take place in Djibouti, from the 14 to 16 December 2025, under the theme “Harnessing Africa’s Digital Economy and Innovation for Accelerating Intra-Africa Trade and Sustainable Development”

The three-day Forum will feature high-level plenaries, expert panels, breakout sessions, and networking opportunities. Each day will spotlight a core pillar of Africa’s digital transformation journey.

Day 1: Digital Economy and Trade Integration in Africa

Focus: Leveraging digital platforms and technologies to enhance trade integration and competitiveness under AfCFTA.

Day 2: Innovation, Fintech, and the Future of African Economies

Focus: Driving economic inclusion through fintech, innovation ecosystems, and youth entrepreneurship.

Day 3: Building Policy, Regulatory Frameworks, and Partnerships for Digital Growth

Focus: Creating an enabling environment for digital innovation and infrastructure through effective policy, governance, and partnerships.

To foster strategic dialogue and action-oriented collaboration among key stakeholders in Africa’s digital ecosystem, with the goal of leveraging digital economy and innovation to boost intra-Africa trade, accelerate economic transformation, and support inclusive, sustainable development.

* Promote Digital Trade: Identify mechanisms and policy actions to enable seamless cross-border digital commerce and integration under AfCFTA.

* Foster Innovation and Fintech: Advance inclusive fintech ecosystems and support innovation-driven entrepreneurship, especially among youth and women.

* Policy and Regulatory Harmonization: Build consensus on regional and continental digital regulatory frameworks to foster trust, security, and interoperability.

* Encourage Investment and Public-Private Partnerships: Strengthen collaboration between governments, private sector, and development partners to invest in digital infrastructure, R&D, and skills development.

* Advance Digital Inclusion and Sustainability: Ensure that digital transformation contributes to environmental sustainability and the empowerment of marginalized communities.

The AU Private Sector Forum has held several forums, with key recommendations. These recommendations provide valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities facing the African private sector and offer guidance for policymakers on how to support its growth and development.

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