World
Russia and Africa: Who is Courting Whom?
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The South African Institute of International Affairs has put into circulation its latest policy report on Russia-African relations. In the introductory chapter, Steven Gruzd, Samuel Ramani and Cayley Clifford – have summarized various aspects of the developments between between Russia and Africa over the past few years and finally questioned the impact of Russia’s policy on Africa.
According to Steven Gruzd, Samuel Ramani and Cayley Clifford, this special far-reaching policy report includes academic research from leading Russian, African and international scholars. It addresses the dimensions of Russian power projection in Africa, new frontiers of Russian influence and provides a roadmap towards understanding how Russia is perceived in Africa.
It highlights narratives about anti-colonialism and describes how these sources of solidarity are transmitted by Russian elites to their African public. For seeking long-term influence, Russian elites have oftentimes used elements of anti-colonialism as part of the current policy to control the perceptions of Africans and primarily as new tactics for power projection in Africa.
The reports delved into the historical fact that after the collapse of the Soviet era, already more than three decades, Russia is resurgent in Africa. While Russia has been struggling to make inroads into Africa these years, the only symbolic event was the first Russia-Africa Summit held in Sochi, which fêted heads of state from 43 African countries and showcased Moscow’s great power ambitions.
Moscow has signed bilateral agreements to participate in various economic directions with many African countries. It has also signed military-technical agreements with over 20 African countries and has secured lucrative mining and nuclear energy contracts on the continent. Russia exports more arms to Africa than the United States, France and China combined. It uses private military contractors.
While it has made thousands of promises and signed bilateral agreements, Russia is largely invisible in economic sectors, keeps a remote distance from participating in building critical infrastructures and investing in industrial spheres. Moscow simply builds relations on illusions and lacks the capacity and overwhelming power to realize its policy goals in Africa. During critical times of coronavirus pandemic, Moscow terribly failed to supply 300 million Sputnik V vaccines through the African Union.
Russia’s expanding influence in Africa are compelling, but a closer examination further reveals a murkier picture. Despite Putin’s lofty trade targets, Russia’s trade with Africa stands at just $20 billion, which is lower than that of India or Turkey.
The report authors said that the renewed attention by Russia to Africa presents both risks and opportunities for the continent, especially in this changing geopolitical situation. But the key question arises: Who is courting whom?
The report points to the fact that African countries have engaged with Russia in a ‘business-as-usual fashion’ and have either refrained from condemning Russia’s aggression or from expressing explicit solidarity with Ukraine. Nevertheless, over half of all African states sided with the West in condemning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in UN General Assembly votes in March and October 2022.
Russia’s major breakthroughs on the continent are confined to its support for fragile states, such as Mali, or autocracies, such as Cameroon, as major regional powers are reluctant to convert rhetorical cooperation into multidimensional partnerships.
The authors further wrote that “Russia’s growing assertiveness in Africa is a driver of instability and that its approach to governance encourages pernicious practices, such as kleptocracy and autocracy promotion, and the dearth of scholarship on Moscow’s post-1991 activities in Africa is striking.”
Records further show that Russia indeed kept a low profile for two decades after the Soviet collapse. One particularly problematic assumption is that Russia’s resurgence in Africa is a relatively recent phenomenon, which took hold at the tail end of Putin’s second term from 2004 to 2008 and accelerated after Russia-West relations soured over the 2014 Ukraine crisis and Russia’s annexation of Crimea.
Now Russia’s main tactics to expand its influence, such as debt forgiveness, arms contracts to fragile states and resistance to US unilateralism, come from its transition-era playbook and are not simply throwbacks to its Soviet-era superpower status. These continuities and forces that have shaped them are largely ignored in Western accounts and deserve granular attention.
In addition, Russia has used social media, state media and ‘political technologists’ to create distorted narratives of Russian largesse and to erode public support for Western involvement in Africa. At times, image triumphs over reality, as Russian narratives are more appealing than its actions. It is clear that Moscow’s approach to Africa is customised and is not a mere extrapolation from Putin’s global approach to foreign policy.
Moreover, the limited amplification of African voices causes sub-Saharan Africa to be viewed as a passive pawn of Russian power projection and neglects the perspectives of African civil society and the historical legacies that drive elites to court the Kremlin. Africa’s agency is thus discounted and diminished.
On the other hand, Russian public diplomacy in Africa explores the targeted use of historical ties, existing anti-Western narratives, state-centric approach and educational programmes to enhance Moscow’s ‘soft power’ on the continent.
In Southern Africa, a pattern of ‘differentiated courtship’ emerges clearly. By bridging Southern and Eastern Africa, its tactics include debt-for-development, nuclear energy, military and paramilitary cooperation, disinformation campaigns and election interference and sponsorship of political parties.
Further in the Horn of Africa, Russia’s tactics for influence projections span from participating in anti-piracy missions to vaccine diplomacy.
The war in Ukraine has elevated the level of scrutiny of Russia’s actions both in Europe and elsewhere in the world, including in Africa. Undeniably, Moscow is wooing African elites to serve its interests, African states are trying to play off Moscow, Washington, Brussels and Beijing for maximum advantage. While many complexities and nuances still remain in the entire relationships, it necessary not to over-generalize the unique features in the bilateral ties.
In the context of a multipolar geopolitical order, Russia’s image of cooperation could be seen as highly enticing, but it is also based on illusions. Better still, Russia’s posture is a clash between illusions and reality. “Russia, it appears, is a neo-colonial power dressed in anti-colonial clothes,” says the report.
Simply put, Moscow’s strategic incapability, inconsistency and dominating opaque relations are adversely affecting sustainable developments in Africa. Thus far, Russia looks more like a ‘virtual great power’ than a genuine challenger to European, American and Chinese influence.
The second Russia-Africa Summit – if it indeed goes ahead in July 2023 – will provide an ideal opportunity to reflect on progress since the inaugural gathering in 2019, and attempt to separate bluster from the concrete facts on the ground. But, ‘who is courting whom’ in the current relations between Africa and Russia.
By Adedapo Adesanya
Stablecoin issuer, Tether Holdings Limited, will move its corporate entity and subsidiaries to El Salvador after securing a digital asset service provider (DASP) license in the Central American nation.
According to a statement on Monday, this marks a step in Tether’s journey to foster global Bitcoin adoption banking on El Salvador’s history with cryptocurrency.
“This strengthens Tether’s position in one of the world’s most forward-thinking markets and fosters the development and implementation of cutting-edge solutions more efficiently in a dynamic environment where innovation thrives. It underscores the company’s dedication to leveraging Bitcoin’s transformative potential as it drives growth in emerging markets,” the statement said.
The company said El Salvador is rapidly establishing itself as a global hub for digital assets and technology innovation.
“By embracing blockchain technology and digital currencies, El Salvador is fostering an ecosystem that encourages innovation and attracts investment in the broader financial and technology sectors.
“This strategic positioning is helping to shape the future of financial systems, making the country a key player in the global fintech landscape,” Tether added.
Speaking on this, Mr Paolo Ardoino, CEO of Tether said, “This decision is a natural progression for Tether as it allows us to build a new home, foster collaboration, and strengthen our focus on emerging markets.
“El Salvador represents a beacon of innovation in the digital assets space. By rooting ourselves here, we are not only aligning with a country that shares our vision in terms of financial freedom, innovation, and resilience but is also reinforcing our commitment to empowering people worldwide through decentralized technologies.”
As it takes these next bold steps, the company looks forward to working closely with El Salvador’s government, businesses, and communities to shape the future of financial technology.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Perhaps it was the most crucial summit held on January 9th to 11th in 2025 with a focus to raise agricultural productivity, increase public investment in agriculture, and stimulate economic growth through agriculture-led development, and ultimately seeks pathways to support African countries eliminate continent-wide hunger and reduce growing poverty.
During these past several years, African governments have taken delight in increasing imports of basic agricultural produce which could be cultivated locally.
Import substitution policy is seemingly not part of any discussions during their ministerial meetings, instead devoted time on how to approve huge budgets for agricultural products from foreign sources.
It has also taken the African Union (AU) years to initiate an agricultural programme directed at ensuring food security and cutting poverty in the continent. This cutting-edge initiative forms an integral part of the broad AU Agenda 2063.
Considered as the most ambitious and comprehensive agricultural reform effort ever undertaken in Africa, it was first launched in 2003 following the Maputo Declaration and reaffirmed in 2014 in Equatorial Guinea with the Malabo Declaration.
It has emerged as the cornerstone framework for driving agricultural transformation across Africa and represents a fundamental shift toward development that is supposed to be fully owned and directed by various African governments.
That, however, the early January Kampala summit, attended by Ministers of Agriculture from the AU’s 55-member states, thoroughly deliberated on implementing aspects of the 10-year programme, primarily to be pursued, in different stages, by stimulating investment, fostering partnerships, and empowering vulnerable smallholder farmers. Notably, the programme is set to run from 2026- 2035.
Without a single doubt, the drafting the programme which underwent a rigorous review process, took a full decade to complete; from 2014, in Equatorial Guinea with the Malabo Declaration to Kampala, Uganda, in 2025. And that what is appropriately referred to as an effective continental organization – the African Union.
The drafting of the strategy was undertaken by a broad spectrum of stakeholders including the Regional Economic Communities, African experts and researchers, farmers’ cooperatives and organizations, development partners, parliamentarians, private sector groups, women in agriculture and youth groups.
According to the official release indicated that Africa’s food security remains a pressing challenge, exacerbated by climate change, conflicts, rapid population growth, and economic disruptions.
Currently, over 280 million Africans suffer from chronic hunger while food systems struggle to meet rising demands.
Therefore, the 10-year programme is planned to address these issues by promoting climate-resilient agriculture, improving infrastructure, reducing food waste, and enhancing regional trade in agricultural goods. This is in a bid to equip Africa to feed itself sustainably.
At the Kampala ministerial meeting, Prime Minister of the Republic of Uganda, Robinah Nabbanja, while recalling important statistics that point to the richness of African soils, abundance of arable land and fresh water, and a 60% population engaged in agriculture, expressed the highest shame that the continent’s food imports cost up to $100 billion.
“This summit should come up with concrete proposals on how Africa can come out of such an undesirable situation. For us to guarantee our future as Africans, we must feed ourselves,” she told the gathering in a tectonic language.
The Commissioner for Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy and Sustainable Environment at the African Union Commission, Ambassador Josefa Sacko, commented on the importance of the strategy, saying it “aims to boost food production, expand value addition, boost intra-Africa trade, create millions of jobs for the youth and women, build inclusive agrifood value chains, and build resilient and sustainable agrifood systems that will withstand shocks and stressors now and in the future.
Furthermore, we are dedicated to strengthening governance through evidence-based decision-making and enhancing accountability among all stakeholders. Inclusivity is a fundamental aspect of our approach; we will ensure that women, youth, and marginalized groups have access to resources, thereby facilitating their equitable participation in the agrifood sector.”
Dr Girma Amente, Minister of Agriculture of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, whose Prime Minister Dr Abiy Ahmed, is the Champion of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) Strategy and Action Plan 2026- 2035, highlighted how Ethiopia has cascaded CAADP into the national agricultural investment plan (NAIP).
“The plan emphasizes the importance of increasing public investment in agriculture, which is crucial for achieving the CAADP target. Ethiopia has significantly increased its agricultural budget allocation and has demonstrated its commitment by meeting the 6 per cent annual growth target of CAADP.
The implementation of the National Agricultural Investment Plan (NAIP) has contributed to consistent improvements in annual agricultural production, elevating both crop yields and overall food and livestock production, and also performed better in addressing the resilience targets of the CAADP,” explained Girma Amente.
In his turn, Uganda’s Minister of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, Frank Tumwebaze, who led the drafting of the CAADP Strategy and Action Plan in his capacity as the Chair of the Specialised Technical Committee of the AU on Agriculture, Rural Development, Water and Environment, stressed the need to move into implementation of the strategy, as soon as the summit ends.
“The planning phase of the Kampala CAADP Agenda ends during this Summit. We must, therefore, move into implementation and execution mode. It is by focusing on execution that we can make a meaningful impact to the continent and its people. We must move, not with the times, but ahead of times.
“This calls for advances in technological research and practices, building agricultural systems that are resilient to climate change and other shocks, agro-industrialization, and the like,” according to Frank Tumwebaze.
The three-day Extraordinary Summit in Kampala was organized to adopt the 10-Year CAADP Strategy and Action Plan to advance agricultural transformation and food systems in Africa. But that was dominated by high-level speeches, with little hope of concretely addressing key questions relating to ensuring food security in the continent.
The majority of African countries hold steadfastly to maintain the status quo, ready to allocate large part of their annual budgets to increase imports. There was little hope for any significant results and remarkable change in driving agricultural transformation across Africa after second day of the summit, dedicated to deliberations by Ministers of Foreign Affairs, and the 11th January meeting by Heads of State and Government.
By Adedapo Adesanya
The Prime Minister of Canada, Mr Justin Trudeau, has resigned as the country’s ruling Liberal Party leader amid growing discontent in the North American country.
Mr Trudeau’s exit comes amid intensified political headwinds after his finance minister and closest political ally abruptly quit last month.
Mr Trudeau, who said he would remain in office until a new party leader is chosen, has faced growing calls from within his party to step down.
Polls show the Liberals are set to lose this year’s election to the Conservative opposition.
“As you all know, I’m a fighter,” Mr Trudeau said on Monday, but “it has become obvious to me with the internal battles that I cannot be the one to carry the Liberal standard into the next election,” he stated.
His exit comes as Canada faces tariff threats from US President-elect, Mr Donald Trump.
The Republican and his allies have repeatedly taunted Mr Trudeau in recent weeks, with Mr Trump mocking Canada as the “51st state” of the US.
Mr Trudeau also lamented that the Conservative leader, Mr Pierre Poilievre, is not the right vision for Canadians.
“Stopping the fight against climate change doesn’t make sense,” he tells reporters, adding that “attacking journalists” is “not what Canadians need in this moment”.
“We need an ambitious, optimistic view of the future, and Pierre Poilievre is not offering that.”
Mr Trudeau also said he was looking forward to the fight as progressives “stand up” for a vision for a better country “despite the tremendous pressures around the world to think smaller”.
He also clarified that he won’t be calling an election, saying the Canadian parliament has been “seized by obstruction, filibustering and a total lack of productivity” for the past several months.
“It’s time for a reset,” he said, adding that, “It’s time for the temperature to come down, for the people to have a fresh start in parliament, to be able to navigate through these complex times.”
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