World
Russia’s African Trade Growing But Largely Military Equipment
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
After two symbolic African leaders’ summits, Russia’s trading is steadily increasing but significantly in exports of military weapons and equipment. According to Kremlin reports, Russian President Vladimir Putin said the trade turnover between Russia and African countries had increased by almost 35% in the first half of 2023 despite international sanctions. During the first summit, Putin promised to double trade with African states within five years as he sought to win new friends with offers of nuclear power plants and fighter jets. He fixed the expected figure at $40 billion, which he repeated in several speeches until the last summit held in July 2023 in St. Petersburg.
According to the Russia Today (RT) report, under the headline “Russia expanding African defence partnerships” issued 5th Sept. 2024, Russia’s arms exporter Rosoboronexport has outlined plans for joint ventures regarding military equipment with the continent. That report indicated that the Russian arms export agency Rosoboronexport has been advancing multiple cooperation projects with African countries, quoted Aleksandr Mikheev, the agency’s head. Mikheev, speaking on the sidelines of the Egypt International Airshow, further said his agency was working on several industrial cooperation projects with African countries, focusing on the licensed production of small arms, ammunition, armoured vehicles, and fast combat boats.
The head of the Russian arms export agency also noted the increasing importance of Africa and the Middle East in the company’s overall business. “The combined share of Middle Eastern and African countries in Rosoboronexport’s order portfolio exceeds 50%, which translates to over $25 billion,” he said. Mikheev revealed that over 40 African nations are actively engaged in military-technical collaboration with Russia. “There is a very significant share of signed and executed contracts in the order portfolio. Mostly, of course, it is equipment, air force, air defence, helicopters, small arms, electronic warfare.”
Last December, the Rosoboronexport head said that African countries bought more than 30% of the weapons systems exported by Russia in 2023. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute reported last year that Russia had overtaken China as the leading arms seller in sub-Saharan Africa, with market share growing to 26% as of 2022. According to the report, Algeria, Angola, Egypt, and Sudan were the top importers of Russian weapons on the continent.
Business& Financial Times also reported that Putin had promised to double trade with African states within five years as he sought to win new friends with offers of nuclear power plants and fighter jets. Moscow remains the biggest exporter of arms to Africa. The most successful pillar of Russia’s conventional trade with Africa is arms, managed mainly by state-controlled Rosoboronexport. Between 2010 and 2021 Russian arms exports to Africa dwarfed those of every other supplier and were three times greater than those of China, the second-biggest over the period, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Other Russian companies with significant operations in Africa include Alrosa, which operates diamond projects in Angola and is exploring in Zimbabwe; Rusal, which mines bauxite in Guinea; and Rosatom, which is building a nuclear power plant in Egypt.
As years move on, few of those promises have materialized and yet Russian influence on the continent is growing faster than at any point since the end of the Cold War. But this trend has fallen short of the Kremlin’s promise to African leaders. African exporters are not trading in Russia’s market due to multiple reasons including inadequate knowledge of trade procedures, rules and regulations as well as the existing market conditions. Until now, African entrepreneurs have struggled pathways to explore Russia’s market as trade preferences also mentioned several times failed to be implemented. Multiple challenges still grossly remain and stand in the pathways to ultimately realize the economic cooperation goals set by the two summits. Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov plans to hold the first Foreign Ministerial Conference in November 2024 to strategize some aspects of strengthening economic cooperation between Russia and Africa.
Some experts think that the ongoing crisis between Russia and the West is stimulating Russia’s leadership to look for new markets, and besides Asia-Pacific countries, Africa has become its choice. Quite recently, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov wrote in his article: “We attach special significance to deepening our trade and investment cooperation with the African States. Russia provides African countries with extensive preferences in trade.”
The minister went on: “At the same time, it is evident that the significant potential of our economic cooperation is far from being exhausted and much remains to be done so that Russian and African partners know more about each other’s capacities and needs. The creation of a mechanism for the provision of public support to business interaction between Russian companies and the African continent is on the agenda.”
Reports further showed that Russia has started, after the second summit in July 2023, strengthening its economic cooperation by opening trade missions with the responsibility of providing sustainable business services and plans to facilitate import-export trade in some African countries. But these Russian trade centres can also embark on a “Doing Business in Africa” campaign to encourage Russian businesses to take advantage of growing trade and investment opportunities, to promote trade fairs and business-to-business matchmaking in key spheres in Africa.
China, India and Russia are members of the BRICS association with the common goal of fighting against Western domination in Africa. However, the three have different distinctive individual economic interests in Africa. China entered Africa immediately after Russia created the vacuum following the Soviet’s collapse, China has developed its economic tentacles across Africa. For some time, Russia has been concerned with China’s growing presence in Africa. And that points to the fact that Moscow has to step up its activities, whether between governments or private enterprises, more strategically in African countries. For many Russian and African analysts and policy observers believe that a public-private partnership (participation) strategy in promoting trade will help significantly to polish part of the soft power image both in Russia and Africa.
According to the African Development Bank, Africa’s economies are growing faster than those of any other continent. Nearly half of Africa’s countries are now classified as middle-income countries, the number of Africans living below the poverty line fell to 39 per cent in 2023 as compared to 51 per cent in 2021, and around 380 million of Africa’s 1.4 billion people are now earning good incomes – rising consumerism – that makes trade profitable.
Of course, there are various ways to open the burgeoning market for Africa. One of the surest ways is to use the existing rules and regulations. The preferential tariffs for agricultural products exist but only a few African exporters use them, mainly from South Africa, Kenya, Morocco and Egypt. Russian authorities should make it possible for more individual African countries to negotiate for their products to enter the market. The African regional economic blocs can be useful instruments for facilitating trade between Africa and Russia. In addition, the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry posted an official report on its website that traditional products from least-developed countries (including Africa) would be exempted from import tariffs. The legislation stipulates that traditional goods are eligible for preferential customs and tariff treatment.
Most of the experts interviewed for this story expressed skepticism and wondered if Russian authorities were seriously prepared to open the market for Africa, while others suggested, that with the context of current global competition, Russian authorities have to provide trade incentives. An academic researcher at the African Studies Institute in Moscow told this article’s author that the trade preferential for only traditional African goods would really not promote a large scale trade, unfortunately, Russia’s trade with Africa has mostly concentrated in weaponry and military hard-wares.
“I think there is a narrow sphere for African traditional products. There is some interest in African culture in Russia. But still, I think that art and crafts trading cannot promote reciprocal trade radically. As to the tea and coffee trade, it would face keen competition from other global brands. For example, cocoa is needed by our chocolate processing plants. So, I do not think that it will be a significant promotion in trade,” Oleg Kavykin, a Research Fellow at the Center for Civilisation and Regional Studies of the African Studies Institute in Moscow, said, as quoted by Inter Press Service.
“It is worth saying that Russia (as China and India are currently doing) should embark on trade facilitation measures, which would have to include simplification of import-export procedures (customs, warehousing and transportation) to encourage trade with African countries,” according to Professor Kavykin.
Some say it’s probably both a mix of negative perception and inadequate knowledge about the emerging business potentials that might have an impact on trade development between Russia and Africa. But, Peter Osei-Adjei, an expert on Financial Valuation and Ligation in Dallas, Texas, says assertively that Russia can facilitate trade with Africa. Trade facilitation focuses on lowering the cost of doing business by minimizing regulations and procedures required to move goods and services across borders.
“Russia can change the equation, if it plans to do so. Russian authorities can even shift focus and transfer their technology to agriculture, and oil and gas in Africa which is booming these days. But, do you think they will give up their competitive advantage in arms and deal with agriculture or agricultural products?,” he asked rhetorically.
“The fact is that Russia’s two main export products are natural resources and military hardware. And that’s what matters to them, for real! As we are aware already, in Africa we only need their arms or the military equipment for the numerous conflicts going on in the region. Russia has never been a partner in Africa when it comes trading agricultural products, and this is not just about Africa, rather, it’s the same trend even in the Middle East and Asia,” Economist Peter Osei-Adjei told this author.
Economist Peter Osei-Adjei is not the only expert with similar views that Russia’s market is attracting new export partners, especially those in Latin America and Asia, and are hoping to capitalize on Russia’s ban on importing food from Europe, the U.S., Australia, Canada and Norway. The experts believe that new trade alliances are emerging and have “great potential for growth” amid the economic sanctions.
Maxim Matusevich, an Associate Professor and Director of the Russian and East European Studies Program at Seton Hall University, told me in an interview that “in the past decade there was some revival of economic ties between Africa and Russia – mostly limited to arms trade and oil/gas exploration and extraction. Russia’s presence in Africa and within African markets continues to be marginal and I think that Russia has often failed to capitalize on the historical connection between Moscow and those African elites who had been educated in the Soviet Union.”
“It is possible that the ongoing crisis in the relations between Russia and the West will stimulate Russia’s leadership to look for new markets for new sources of agricultural produce. But again, it is not clear if Africa could be their choice – many African nations possess abundant natural resources and have little interest in Russia’s gas and oil. As it was during the Soviet times, Russia could only offer a few manufactured goods that would successfully compete with Western-made products. African nations will probably continue to acquire Russian-made arms, but otherwise, I see only a few prospects for diversification of cooperation in the near future,” added Professor Maxim Matusevich.
Jeff Sahadeo, Director of Russia & Eurasia Studies at Carleton University in Canada, told me in our discussion that with the current conflict between the United States and members of the European Union on one side and Russia on the other side, Russia and African countries could now use the chance to strengthen their trade relations. “Everything is quite fluid now with the tension between the West and Russia, Africa may be able to offer more food sales in the wake of the embargo President Vladimir Putin has slapped on several Western countries,” Sahadeo noted firmly in his email discussion.
Philip Kobina Baidoo Jnr, a Policy Researcher and Analyst, noted in an email interview that Russia has been slow in expanding trade into the region compared to Brazil, India and China of the BRICS association are rather aggressive about deepening economic cooperation with Africa, but one major advantage is that Russia has huge oil reserves and natural resources, and is better placed to use a small part of the revenues to drive its foreign policies globally.
Nearly all academic researchers and analysts I have spoken with remembered Russia’s statement relating to the preferential tariff regime for developing countries which granted duty-free access for African products, but potential African exporters either failed to take advantage of it or were unaware of the advantageous terms for boosting trade. Analyzing the present market landscape of Africa, Russia can export its technology and compete on equal terms with China, India and other prominent players. On the other hand, Russia lacks the competitive advantage in terms of finished industrial (manufactured) products which African consumers obtain from Asian countries such as China, India, Japan and South Korea.
Charles Robertson, Global Chief Economist at Renaissance Capital, thinks that the major problem is incentives. China has two major incentives to invest in Africa. First, China needs to buy resources, while Russia does not. Second, Chinese exports are suitable for Africa – whether it is textiles or iPads, goods made in China can be sold in Africa. Russia exports little except oil and has (roughly 2/3 of exports), steel and metals (which is either not cost-effective to sell in Africa, or again are the same as Africa is selling) and military weapons.
Keir Giles, an Associate Fellow of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in London and a regular contributor to research projects on Russia in both the UK and Europe wrote in an email that “there are some more fundamental problems which Russia would need to overcome to boost its trade turnover with the region. The majority of this vast amount of trade with China simply cannot be competed with by Russia. A large part of African exports to China by value is made up of oil, which Russia doesn’t need to import. And a large part of China’s exports to Africa are consumer goods, which Russia doesn’t produce.”
He explained further that trade in foodstuffs in both directions suffers similar challenges, which are unlikely to be affected by the current politically motivated Russian ban on foods from the European Union, the United States and Australia. In effect, in sharp contrast to China, the make-up of Russian exports hasn’t developed since the end of the Soviet Union and still consists mostly of oil, gas, arms and raw materials. For as long as that continues, the scope for ongoing trading with most African nations is going to be severely limited.
Experts, who have researched Russia’s foreign policy in Africa, at the Russian Academy of Sciences’ Institute for African Studies, have reiterated that Russia’s exports to Africa can be possible only after the country’s industrial base experiences a more qualitative change and introduces tariff preferences for trade with African partners. As a reputable institute during the Soviet era, it has played a considerable part in developing African studies in the Russian Federation.
“The situation in Russian-African foreign trade will change for the better if Russian industry undergoes technological modernization, the state provides Russian businessmen systematic and meaningful support and small and medium businesses receive wider access to foreign economic cooperation with Africa,” according to the views of Professor Aleksei Vasiliev, the former Director of the RAS Institute for African Studies and full member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and Evgeny Korendyasov at the RAS Institute for African Studies.
While Russia’s trade still straddles with Africa, China and other external players are navigating the single African Continental Trade Area (AfCFTA) which offers huge opportunities, an initiative by the African Union (AU). Russia can build on the historical and time-tested friendly ties with Africa but has to review and take concrete measures to work jointly with African countries in strengthening economic and trade cooperation, an essential pillar of the multipolar world. A complete departure away from mere rhetoric will be an encouraging step forward, and enhance economic relations between African States and the Russian Federation.
By Aduragbemi Omiyale
About 115 agrifood experts, government advisors and business leaders from Africa and South East Asia have knocked the United Nations for backing the elimination of trans-fatty acids from global diets, stressing this denies the world’s poorest the nutritional benefits of milk and meat.
In a protest letter endorsed by signatories from Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI), the Global Alliance for Improved Nutrition (GAIN), the Global Roundtable for Sustainable Beef, the African Union Inter-African Bureau for Animal Resources (AU-IBAR), and the African Journal of Food, Agriculture, Nutrition and Development (AJFAND), it was argued that while industrial sources of trans-fatty acids contribute to non-communicable diseases like diabetes and heart disease, animal-source foods contain low levels of trans-fatty acids that may even offer health benefits.
The UN, in a bid to reduce non-communicable diseases (NCDs), proposed the elimination of all trans-fatty acids from global diets.
“The risk of a blanket commitment to eliminate all trans-fatty acids is that it unnecessarily discourages the consumption of highly nutritious dairy, meat and other animal-source foods. And once again, the burden will fall heaviest on low- and middle-income countries, where nutrient-rich meat, milk and dairy are already under-consumed,” a part of the open letter to UN negotiators stated.
“A single glass of milk is among the most affordable, nutrient-rich foods available — milk has been shown to reduce stunting in children and lessen the burden of hunger,” a nutrition expert and ILRI’s Director General’s Representative to Ethiopia, said Namukolo Covic, noted.
“Industrially-produced trans-fatty acids come from food processing, a sector that is still in its infancy in many African countries. These countries have the opportunity to create a new food future as their food systems transform. These food systems must transform towards eliminating industrially derived trans-fat,” Covic added.
“For people in low-income settings, animal-source foods are often the only reliable and available source of essential nutrients, we need a nuanced approach supported by sustainability solutions.
“UN negotiators must ensure this resolution recognizes the distinction between the large amounts of trans-fats of industrial origin and the low levels naturally occurring in animal-source foods,” a professor in Food Science and Nutrition and Editor-in-Chief of the African Journal of Food, Agriculture, Nutrition and Development, Ruth Oniang’o, submitted.
“The contribution of animal-source foods to trans-fatty acids is very low compared to industrially derived trans-fats and should be weighed against their contributions to nutrient density, given their nutritional benefits even in small quantities,” she added.
NCDs disproportionately impact developing countries, where obesity and diet-related disease in adulthood are closely linked to undernutrition in the first 1,000 days of a child’s life. In 2023, one in every five Africans faced hunger and around a third of children under five were affected by stunting.
Animal-source foods like meat and milk are energy-dense and a rich source of high-quality proteins and micronutrients, including Vitamins A and B12, riboflavin, calcium, zinc and iodine.
Research has found that a child who drinks milk daily can grow up to three per cent more in a month than a child who does not, yet average annual milk consumption can be as low as just 1kg per person per year in some developing countries.
The draft resolution is currently under review with member states with a final draft due to be presented for endorsement at the UN General Assembly in September.
In the meantime, countries will gather in New York from July 14 to 23 for the UN’s High-Level Political Forum, which will assess progress towards Sustainable Development Goal 3 (Good Health and Wellbeing) among others.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Popularly referred to as BRICS, the informal group of emerging-market economies (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), meeting in Rio de Janeiro, has outlined a new unprecedented multitude of goals to challenge unipolar system. In the context of rising uncertainty, BRICS has further set up new models to change the economic architecture through South-South cooperation.
Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva hosted early July BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro, capital city of Brazil. U.S. President Donald Trump’s position on many sensitive issues has offered the association something of a dilemma. In a joint statement decried “the rise of unjustified unilateral protectionist measures” and the “indiscriminate raising” of tariffs. BRICS members all agree that “these tariffs are not productive,” Ambassador Xolisa Mabhongo, South Africa’s lead negotiator, or sherpa, said in an interview. “They are not good for the world economy. They are not good for development.”
President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has a raft of controversies with United States over the introduction of single BRICS currency, a suggestion he mooted in 2023. Besides that Brazil is currently facing steep economic challenges in the face of trade frictions with the United States. Majority of his citizens are facing deportation, it implies significant fallen in remittances and that would worsen social and financial standing of families across Brazil. It has had diverse criticisms, so are other new BRICS members with vastly different political and economic systems, and yet advocating for reshaping the global balance of power. Most of them are negotiating to be at discussion table, to straighten economic ties, with President Donald Trump.
On one hand, BRICS leaders seriously Trump’s “indiscriminate” import tariffs and other trade policies. On the other hand, Trump has also warned that countries which sideline with the policies of the BRICS alliance against United States interests will be hit with an extra 10% tariffs.
BRICS summit further called for strengthening multilateralism. China unreservedly underscored its desire to work with member states to “strengthen the BRICS strategic partnership and safeguard multilateralism,” Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said in a briefing in Beijing. With noticeable policy and economic disparities, its rapid expansion to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Indonesia and the United Arab Emirates bolstered its representation — the new BRICS accounts for about 40% of global GDP and roughly half the planet’s population.
BRICS policy to build a multipolar world has attracted developing countries. Trade among the five original BRICS nations grew 40% between 2021 and 2024 to US$740 billion a year, according to International Monetary Fund data.
Emerging Tasks from Rio de Janeiro
Brazil took over from Russia last year December, promised to put in complete order housekeeping issues — officially termed institutional development — on the agenda to better integrate new members and boost internal cohesion. With ten (10) partner members that includes Belarus, Cuba and Vietnam, BRICS plans to work ‘ad hoc practical cooperation’ basis. These partner states have absolutely no decision-making authority as full members. The enlarged bloc is now characterized by emerging potential opportunities but deepening frictions. BRICS is increasingly experiencing complexities based on their individual priorities and geopolitical orientations. Yet the bloc, often denying the unpredictable stage of stark realities, continues boasting of coherence and systemic efforts toward creating a multipolarity.
BRICS boasts of huge resources, and substantially claims to be ahead of other groups in this parameter, including G7 with US$57 trillion. Further to that, BRICS has many supporters in the Global South and East.
At the tail-end of the July 6th to 7th summit, BRICS reset new tasks, little achievements were highlighted by speakers, in addition to those previously rattled phrases such as BRICS leads ‘multipolar world’ and be guided as key centres of global governance and work collective towards economic growth, and further gravitate the development of markets in the Global South. The question of payment in local currencies was underscored while BRICS members emphasized reducing the use of dollar in currency transactions. In fact, several promising initiatives have, thus become future responsibilities of India, who takes up the BRICS Chairmanship.
Russia’s Achievements
During the final summit at Kazan, which was held in October 2024, Russia established a category of BRICS partner states. In addition, Russia proposed creating a whole new BRICS investment platform. The idea behind it is to jointly develop coordinated instruments to support and to bring in the funds from the economies of BRICS countries and from the Global South and Global East countries. It suggested launching a special mechanism for holding consultations on World Trade Organisation matters. The processes for creating a grain exchange, a climate research centre, a permanent logistics platform, and a sports cooperation programme in BRICS are moving forward.
There are other valuable ideas proposed by Russia, which include the formation of a carbon market partnership, an arbitration investment centre, a fair competition platform, and a permanent tax secretariat within BRICS.
In September, Moscow will host Intervision, a popular international television song contest which has got the attention of numerous performers from BRICS and BRICS partner countries who confirmed their willingness to participate in it. A humanitarian project of that magnitude is designed to promote universal, cultural, family, and spiritual values shared by members.
India’s Proposals
With participation of BRICS members, partners and outreach invitees, India proposed the creation of BRICS Science and Research Repository to promote collaboration in critical areas, highlighted its initiatives in agri-biotech and digital education access, calling on BRICS to adopt a demand-driven approach and ensure long-term financial sustainability in New Development Bank (NDB) projects.
China’s Suggestions
Chinese Premier Li Qiang praised the complementary advantages and suggested broader forms of cooperation in such areas as digital economy, green economy, sci-tech innovation and aerospace. From notable indications, China stands ready to closely work with members and partners in enriching the dimensions both on bilateral basis and multilateral relations. China expressed high concerns over achieving concrete results, rather than mere high-quality rhetoric. Premier Li Qiang further talked about BRICS working within multilateral frameworks such as the United Nations, the G20 and the African Union (AU), Eurasia and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States.
New Development Bank
The BRICS Bank President, Dilma Rousseff, has officially welcomed Colombia and Uzbekistan as new members. The membership now totalled 11 members, including Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Bangladesh, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and Algeria. “We have several other countries under observation and review, and they may join the bank in the future,” Rousseff stated at the briefing in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
The NDB, established in 2015 as a multilateral development bank, operates with full respect for the sovereignty and development priorities of its member countries. Based in Shanghai, the bank has already approved over 120 projects worth a total of US$40 billion, focusing on areas such as clean energy, transport infrastructure, environmental protection, and social infrastructure.
Final Declaration
After the plenary session the final Declaration of the 17th BRICS summit – “Rio de Janeiro Declaration” – was adopted on 6th July 2025. The document welcomed Indonesia as a new BRICS member, and the following Belarus, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Nigeria, Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, Uganda, and Uzbekistan as BRICS partner countries.
The 126 point-document passed on the Chairmanship to India in 2026 and the holding of the XVIII BRICS Summit in India. The document acknowledged the significance of (i) Strengthening Multilateralism and Reforming Global Governance (ii) Promoting Peace, Security and International Stability (iii) Deepening International Economic, Trade and Financial Cooperation (iv) Combating Climate Change and Promoting Sustainable Development (v) Partnerships for the Promotion of Human, Social and Cultural Development
Conclusion
Analysts say in a summarized comment that despite the glaring inconsistencies among the group, even as they have, somehow, managed to speak with one voice on major international issues, China and India both interested to lead the BRICS and the Global South as a whole. India Prime Minister Narendra Modi takes over the BRICS presidency for 2026, as he explained that the group’s diversity is its strength, and shares collective commitment to emerging multipolar world. Original members of the bloc Brazil, Russia, India, and China have been joined by South Africa and, more recently, by Saudi Arabia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Ethiopia and Indonesia.
Kestér Kenn Klomegâh has a diverse work experience in the field of business intelligence and consultancy. His focused research interest includes geopolitical changes, foreign relations and economic development related questions in Africa with external countries. Klomegâh has media publications, policy monographs and e-handbooks
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
With geopolitical developments shaping the world, Africa is expectedly changing with the times. It has gone far, particularly with Russia, opened new directions in bilateral economic cooperation after their joint historic summits.
It is also time to make critical appraisals of Russia’s policy towards Africa. By next year 2026, Russia’s strategic plan to ensure and support food security may fade away its its policy mainstream.
First and second summits witnessed agreements and declarations signed to tectonic applause with an unwavering decision characterized by increasing food and agricultural products, including grains and chicken meat across Africa.
There was also an underlined promised to ferry unspecified huge amount of fertilizer to Africa. Africa leaders expressed an excitement to the announcement of this partnership with the Russian Federation. But now these aspects of Russian-African partnership on food security would likely change, primarily due to Africa adopting import substitution policy and redirecting focus on radical measures to improve domestic agricultural production.
On May 13, the Intergovernmental Commission for Trade and Economic Cooperation, during the meeting in St. Petersburg, Economic Development Minister Maxim Reshetnikov, who co-chaired the meeting with Planning and Investment Minister Kitila Mkumbo, noted Tanzania’s geographical location as a single window for Russian products entering the East African market.
More than 40 Russian companies are currently interested in exporting animal products and a few others to Tanzania and to East Africa region. The participants emphasized the country could be a conduit and entry-gate through which to reach East African region with Russia’s agricultural exports, and that would generate an estimated US$15 billion in revenue for Russian government.
What is important, and the most interesting fact here, Tanzanian economy is heavily based on agriculture. It has a vast arable land for farming. But Tanzania, like many other African leaders, are readily addicted to spend huge budget importing goods that they can locally.
According to the Economic Development Minister Maxim Reshetnikov many potential state buyers expressed interest in such imports, reiterated Russia’s preparedness to ensure food security.
In a similar direction, earlier on as reported by Interfax Information Agency, the Agroexport Center of the Ministry of Agriculture listed 25 African countries.
In an interview, Russian Union of Grain Exporters and Producers Chairman, Dmitry Sergeyev, at the 4th Russian Grain Forum in Sochi, emphasized that the potential export destinations for Russian grain crops in the current season included Algeria, Kenya, Nigeria, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Tanzania and Sudan in Africa.
In recent seasons, shipments to Algeria, Israel, Kenya, China, Libya and Morocco have increased manifold or even by an order of magnitude. The first shipments were made to Djibouti, Gambia, the Central African Republic, and Eritrea.
“Russia is a reliable exporter of wheat to countries in Africa. We currently occupy a third of the entire African wheat market, exporting to 40 African countries overall. The most notable success of recent years was the sharp increase or start of exports to Algeria, Libya, Kenya, Morocco, Tunisia, and Tanzania,” Dmitry Sergeyev told Interfax News Agency.
The African grain market held many prospects in light of fast population growth, the growing middle class and increasing purchasing power. Although, it would be a mistake to refer to Africa as a monolith, as it has five sub-regions, which differ significantly from each other. Therefore, Russia is developing its relationship with different African countries in different ways.
“On the other hand, there are some other countries in central and southern parts of the continent, which often lack sufficient infrastructure and are logistically hard to reach – we have to interact with them via international traders. Increasing grain exports to Africa require a comprehensive approach encompassing logistics, storage and processing. We are already taking certain steps in this direction,” explained Dmitry Sergeyev.
Given it’s keenness not only in supplying but increasing agricultural products and fertilizers, Russia’s remote aim was to raise revenue from these importing African countries. These African countries are blessed with huge expanse of agricultural lands, the human resources are enormous just need support and encouragement from the government institutions and agencies.
Local African agriculturists have complained bitterly of gross lack of state support, and yet governments allocated huge large part of national budget to import on bilateral agreements, goods and service that could be made and obtained at home.
African leaders are solidarizing their interests by sacrificing local production, and under-utilizing available resources. Russia consistently challenges American and European hegemony, asked Africa to transact deals using their local currencies.
Resultantly, Africa has to abandon the importance of American dollar, and still pursue corporate agreements to review and possibly extend AGOA for the next 10 years.
In 2024, financial remittances amounted to $58 billion from United States to Africa. Meanwhile, Kremlin and Russian companies rarely announce financial figures for investment in various sectors. The stark reality is that Russia, at best and based on its rising ‘soft power’ and political influence, could further balance strategic powers with building comprehensive investment partnerships in Africa.
Local Russian media reported series of Russia’s exports to Africa, praised Kremlin’s efforts to feed Africa but further warned against growing Africa’s growing dependence on imports. Policy experts have set more alternative tones, at both Russia-Africa summits and several similar conferences, for rather focusing on stronger agricultural initiatives inside Africa.
Generally, the proposed suggestion was to push for greater collaboration on Africa’s greater self-reliance on domestic agricultural production. These have, since then, remained a top-scale challenge featuring in Russia-Africa economic cooperation.
As PhosAgro’s First Deputy CEO, Siroj Loikov, noted during the briefing in early July 2025, PhosAgro not only continues to strengthen its position as the leader in terms of total supply of all mineral fertilizers to the priority Russian market, but also remains a key supplier of phosphate-based fertilizers to the countries of the Global South, including African countries.
Over the past decade, PhosAgro’s exports have nearly doubled and achieved 8.6 million tonnes in 2024. Today, Africa is a key focus for the Company’s international growth strategy. PhosAgro supplies its products to 21 African countries. The top five African importers of the company’s agrochemical products include South Africa, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Morocco, and Mozambique.
With its extensive product line, PhosAgro is well positioned to address the specific needs of African regions, offering customers the best solutions while also making a significant contribution to the continent’s food security.
Over the next five years, PhosAgro expects to double deliveries to the continent. There were some praises, but on other side also raised significant concerns over extremely high cost of logistics and the resultant effects on prices for importing African governments.
In addition, leading agronomy researchers and practitioners say Russian chemical fertilizers and its agrochemistry have had negative effects on crop production and livestock farming, simply not compactible with the local soil conditions.
Therefore, the practical solution would be to settle for suitable alternatives. It would be line to adopt import substitution, to largely cut importation cost and preserve the environment. Moreso, local production invariably creates some employment for the youth.
Speaking at the 32nd Afreximbank Annual Meeting, Entrepreneur Aliko Dangote, believes Africa could be a ‘Heaven’ within five years (until 2030)—if Africans think boldly and act with purpose. His position was that Africans can shape their own future, urging leaders to prioritize long-term development over reliance on foreign industrial sources.
Dangote has already exemplified this ‘local self-reliance’ through his $20 billion refinery in Lagos—the largest single-train facility in the world—which is already reshaping Africa’s energy landscape and challenging Europe’s $17 billion gasoline export market.
Furthermore, Dangote plans to generate $30 billion in revenue next year and become the top global urea exporter—bringing his vision of African industrial might closer to reality.
Reports indicated that Nigeria first-class entrepreneur, Aliko Dangote would establish under a major agreement to engage in large-scale production of fertilizer for the Eastern Africa. The estimated $3 billion aims at stabilizing supply and enhance agricultural productivity. Ethiopia and neighbouring countries have faced shortages and worse, spent much importing from abroad. The shortages have also worsened due to foreign currency constraints, logistical delays and geopolitical instability.
Located near the Ethiopia-Djibouti logistics corridor, the Dangote Fertilizer, the largest granulated urea fertilizer complex in Africa, has played a vital role in in reducing Nigeria’s reliance on imported fertilizers and supporting the country’s agricultural sector. The expansion in interpreted as part of measures to solidify Dangote Fertilizer’s presence in the African fertilizer market, ensuring regular supply, and support regional agricultural growth.
Several policy experts have, over the past few years, suggested to African leaders and their governments to drastically halt importation of agricultural items that can be produce locally, redirect funds in supporting local farmers. The most prominent reasons are obviously to increase local productivity, create employment while addressing multiple obstacles confronting African agricultural production.
Quite recently, the Board of Directors of the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) and African Development Banks have also told African leaders to halt imports, and further announced financial allocation for the African agricultural sector. Shareholders in both banks have also advised to accelerate efforts in boosting intra-African agriculture.
Under an agreement, Afreximbank is financing the construction works related to the fertilizer plant based in Soyo, Angola. This transformative $2 billion fertilizer plant project reflects the commitment of OPAIA Group to the Southern African country’s industrial and agricultural development in partnership with globally renowned technical companies such as KBR, TOYO Engineering Corporation, WeDO, and Wuhan Engineering Company.
Speaking at the signing ceremony on behalf of the President of the Bank, Ms Oluranti Doherty, Managing Director, Export Development at Afreximbank said: “Afreximbank is pleased to lead the mobilization of capital for this project, recognizing the importance of Amufert SA’s ammonia and urea production plant to regional and national food sovereignty, via the localization of fertilizer production in Angola. When commissioned, the fertilizer plant will facilitate higher agriculture yields, higher production, and an increase in export volumes of agriculture products from Angola.”
Agostinho Kapaia, Chairman of OPAIA Group, said: “This project represents much more than the construction of a factory. It is a key element in the economic development of Angola and Africa, a driving force for the growth of industry and a concrete solution to the urgent need to increase agricultural production and guarantee food security for future generations.”
With a production capacity of 4,000 metric tons per day, the Amufert S.A. plant is expected to revolutionize Angola’s agricultural sector, significantly reducing the country’s reliance on imported fertilizers.
The project will generate significant benefits, including the creation of 4,700 jobs — 3,500 during the construction phase and 1,200 permanent positions once completed. It will also contribute to Angola’s economic diversification by leveraging natural gas resources, thereby reducing reliance on oil revenues.
Additionally, the initiative will support farmers by ensuring a consistent supply of affordable, high-quality fertilizers, boosting agricultural productivity and enhancing food security.
This will not only enhance Angola’s agricultural resilience but also position the country as a leader in fertilizer production across Africa. Surplus production will enable Angola to become a key fertilizer exporter within Africa, fostering regional economic integration and promoting intra-African trade.
In a short policy summary, the challenges of Russia’s increased agricultural exports instead of focusing on investment in local production in Africa may ultimately be reviewed taking into serious consideration import substitution measures being adopted by African States.
For championing environmental urgency and import substitution policy, Africa must lead a bold policy shift, not for geopolitical solidarity but for attaining an economic sovereignty.
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