World
Russia Shaping its Future Partnership with Africa
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The second Russia-Africa summit is planned to demonstrate Russia’s stance against Western hegemony and its capitalist domination across Africa, to show Russia’s “non-Western friends” and to further solicit enormous support for its war in Ukraine. On Africa’s side, leaders plan for their traditional deliberations on “no-cost delivery” of grains while the chosen special group of mediators continues to broker expected peace between Russia and Ukraine.
The St. Petersburg gathering is designed to determine the trajectory of Russia’s relations with African countries in the long term. The program includes more than 30-panel sessions and thematic events on the most important issues of interaction between Russia and African countries.
President Vladimir Putin and his South African counterpart Cyril Ramaphosa discussed during their phone conversation in mid-July about the African peace initiative on Ukraine. The African leaders on a Ukraine peace mission will again have an opportunity to talk with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the upcoming Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg, Kremlin Spokesman Dmitry Peskov told TASS News Agency.
Diplomatic sources earlier that the African leaders of the Ukraine peace mission from Egypt, Zambia, Comoros, Congo, Senegal, Uganda and South Africa expected to meet with the head of the Russian state before the opening of the Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg or during its work.
“The summit’s program is still being prepared. But there will surely be an opportunity to talk on the sidelines,” Peskov said, responding to a question about whether such a meeting was possible in St. Petersburg. As one of the sources told the news agency, the seven African leaders agreed to continue efforts and discuss proposals under the Ukraine peace mission.
A delegation of seven African countries that included the presidents of Zambia, Comoros, Senegal and South Africa, the Egyptian prime minister and representatives of the Republic of Congo and Uganda visited Kyiv on June 16, where it held talks with Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said in an interview with Lenta.ru daily that “the Russian Foreign Ministry is working on opening new embassies in a number of African countries.”
“Following the 1st Russia-Africa Summit in Sochi in 2019, the national leadership adopted decisions on expanding our diplomatic presence in Africa,” Lavrov said. “The Foreign Ministry is working to open new embassies in a number of African countries.”
On 12 July, Addis Ababa hosted a pre-summit roundtable; discussions focused on the prospects for the development of Russia-Africa economic and social partnership relations. “The Russia-Africa summit is an event that plays a key role in the development of relations between Russia and Africa. It is to achieve a whole new level of mutually beneficial partnership capable of meeting the challenges of the 21st century in the shortest possible time,” emphasized Evgeny Terekhin, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Ethiopia.
The digitalization of Africa is attracting particular attention from Russians. We live in a digital world and undoubtedly, the future of civilization lies in the digital economy. For 20 years, digital transformation has been underway in all regions of Russia. Russia has the world’s best digital platforms for B2B, B2C, product labelling and educational services, and Moscow has become the best city in the world in terms of living comfort and digitalization of services offered, according to Igor Morozov, Chairman of the Coordinating Committee for Economic Cooperation with African Countries (AfroCom).
Senator Igor Morozov explained further that “the other cities in the top three are Toronto and Singapore. We certainly have a lot to share with our African partners, especially since they are already prepared for a new experience. The African Continental Free Trade Zone has started operating, and many African countries, including Ethiopia, are creating science and technology parks and IT clusters.”
As always, summit participants are arriving with foreign currency in their pockets or on their credit cards to St. Petersburg. It is a normal situation travelling African leaders with US dollars on their credit cards. Similarly, Russian officials exchange local rubles for foreign currency, for instance travelling to Miami leisure beach, Havana, Cuba or to their popular destination Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. Yet, Russians are the first partisan critics of de-dollarisation.
Everything now relates to colonialism, wraps up with neo-colonial clothes. Discourse on colonialism and neo-colonialism have become fashionable. Unsurprisingly, African migrants’ gruesome death at sea is also attributed to Europeans’ neo-colonialism. And no doubt, the movement of highly-skilled labour from Africa in search of employment opportunities on the global markets. In this case, African leaders primarily must share the blame for their utter failure to smoothly address development questions and to create better conditions at home.
Russia, like Africa, has also witnessed a ‘brain-drain’ these several years; most of its skilled specialists and professionals relocated to the United States, Canada and Europe. Understandably, more than three decades after the Soviet collapse, Russia has few well-trained multipolar-oriented specialists and professionals to work seriously on its diverse policy goals across Africa.
The Russian International Affairs Council, a non-government organisation and policy think-tank, published an opinion article authored by Kirill Babaev – Director of the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor at the Financial University. He made an excellent analysis of the relations between Russia and Africa.
The article highlighted future perspectives and successes in building political dialogues during the previous years. On the other hand, he was exposed for serious consideration by authorities to some existing obstacles and weaknesses.
Brain drain is seriously affecting Russia. Today the situation has changed radically, according to his assessment. Kirill Babaev pointed out the challenges Russia faces, one of them is “an immense lack of personnel for successful work in Africa” – and further suggested a necessity for putting together a distinctive group of experienced professionals and specialists to work on practical, consistent and effective policy challenges as well as geopolitical tasks with African countries.
In sharp contrast, during pre-summit roundtable discussions held this month, Oleg Ozerov, Head of the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum, argued that Russia takes an interest in highly skilled specialists from Africa, but has no intention of encouraging any kind of “brain drain” like the West does by attracting and employing them in the United States.
“In other words, it is another form of neocolonialism, or the exploitation of Africa that has been carried out throughout centuries through the slave trade and the pumping of resources, and now it has evolved into ‘brain drain,'” Oleg Ozerov added. “In other words, those people who should boost Africa, transforming it into a new pole of growth. We are convinced that Africa has a vast future and potential, first and foremost, huge human potential in the continent.”
Reports from the World Bank indicated that the United States has the largest African diaspora, which has close-knitted business, educational and cultural links with African countries. This helps to support official efforts in promoting relations with Africa.
The US-Africa trade and commercial relations and engagement through the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) yields $78.01 billion per year, while, for instance, monetary remittances inflows to sub-Saharan Africa soared 14.1 per cent to $49 billion in 2021. Is that compared to Russia and China?
Beyond remittances, Africa benefits from the input of its diaspora considered very progressive. Ultimately, African leaders consistently engage with their diaspora, those excelling in sports, academia, business, science, technology, engineering and all those other significant sectors that the continent needs to optimise its potential and meet development priorities.
During the second week of July, St. Petersburg hosted Reversed Safari exhibit of contemporary African art, featuring works by 47 African and 14 Russian artists opened to the general public. There were over 300 pieces of art on display, including paintings, sculptures, photographs, and video footage, as well as three large-scale installations created specifically for the event. All exhibit items are devoted to the legacy of the colonial era, how different cultures interact, daily life and the search for identity.
According to Professor Gerrit Olivier, an emeritus professor at Pretoria University and former South African Ambassador to the Russian Federation and Kazakhstan, within the context of the current global changes of the 21st century, Russia is experiencing isolation, but African leaders would visit Moscow to meet Vladimir Putin. Today, Russia’s influence in Africa, despite efforts towards resuscitation, remains marginal. While, given its global status, Russia ought to be active with concrete development projects in Africa as Western Europe, the European Union, America, and China are, it is all but absent, playing a negligible role in Africa.
“These African leaders will realise that there will be no quid pro quo in Moscow, that a weakened Putin can offer nothing and his purpose with this meeting will mainly be to demonstrate support from Africa. This will probably be forthcoming in the form of a repeated ‘non-aligned’ posture (the African warped interpretation, that is), and those leaders presently under the protection of Wagner would no doubt insist on continuation. All this, no doubt, will be used as a propaganda piece against the West!”
Professor David Shinn, a former top U.S. diplomat and now an Adjunct Professor of International Affairs at George Washington University’s Elliot School of International Affairs, discusses a few significant points here relating to the forthcoming summit.
This is an interesting time for Russia to host the Africa summit. The emerging multipolar world, especially Russia’s partnership with China, briefly put Vladimir Putin in a stronger position in Africa vis-à-vis the West. Most African leaders seem to favour the multipolar order. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine significantly disrupted that positive trend for Russia. Just over half of Africa’s governments oppose or are skeptical of Moscow’s engagement in Ukraine while just under half were willing to express a neutral position and Eritrea to express support.
“The mutiny by the Wagner Group has further complicated Russia’s position in Africa and raises serious questions about the strength of its partnership with China. While a small number of autocratic African leaders beholden to the Wagner Group (and Eritrea) remain for the time being firm with Russia, I suspect the mutiny has raised second thoughts with other African leaders who were neutral and strengthened the concerns of those leaders who opposed or were sceptical of the invasion from the beginning,” Professor Shinn wrote further in his email.
According to the academic professor, Vladimir Putin would want to go forward with the Africa summit this month to “prove” to the world that the situation in Russia is back to normal. “But I wonder how enthusiastic most African leaders will be to participate at this time when the future of the Wagner Group in Africa is in doubt, Russia is doing poorly in Ukraine, and Moscow is less able to offer Africa much of tangible value. African attendance at the summit and the substance of the results will be most telling,” Professor Shinn concluded.
Dr Alex Vines, Africa Program Director at Chatham House, a policy think tank, told this author that “the Lavrov visits to Africa this year and Russian diplomacy has been focused at getting African leadership to attend the St Petersburg summit. The number of leaders attending is important for Moscow to show it’s not isolated and Africans still wish to engage with Russia diplomatically.”
Notwithstanding those several initiatives of engaging in the economic sectors and supporting Africa, Russia has its strengths and weaknesses based on history, but the balance is positive in this new world. Whatever African leaders wanted depended on their rational and calculated basis and on their ability to build up multifaceted development-oriented relations with Russia.
At the end of the summit, there would a joint declaration, pre-summit media reports indicated. Several other documents and agreements including those on cooperation in space, anti-terrorist activity and security, as well as economic and humanitarian cooperation. The second Russia-Africa summit and the Economic and Humanitarian Forum will be held in St. Petersburg at the ExpoForum Convention and Exhibition Centre on 27–28 July 2023.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:
Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations
From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.
On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.
In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.
Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)
For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.
Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:
Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.
Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.
IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.
Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.
Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.
For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?
IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.
India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation
If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers. However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.
On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:
Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.
Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.
IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.
Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.
Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.
So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.
Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions
Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge. It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.
However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.
Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:
Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems
We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.
Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation
To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.
Greater role for regions and business associations
Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.
Managed balancing by India
India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.
In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
After the expiration of bilateral agreement on trade, the US Congress as well as African leaders, highly recognizing its significance, has been pursuing the extension of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The agreement, which allows duty-free access to American markets for African exporters, expired on September 30, 2025.
The US Congress is advancing a bill to revive and extend AGOA, but South Africa’s continued inclusion remains uncertain. The trade pact still has strong bipartisan support, with the House Ways and Means Committee approving it 37-3. However, US Trade Representative, Jamieson Greer, raised concerns about South Africa, citing tariffs and non-tariff barriers, and said the administration could consider excluding the country.
This threat puts at risk the duty-free access that has significantly benefited South African automotive, agricultural, and wine exports. The debate highlights how trade policy is becoming entangled with broader diplomatic tensions, casting uncertainty over a key pillar of US-Africa economic relations.
Nevertheless, South Africa continues to lobby for inclusion. South Africa trade summary records show that the US goods and services trade with South Africa estimated at $26.2 billion in 2024. The US and South Africa signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) as far back as in 2012.
The duty-free access for nearly 40 African countries has boosted development and fostered more equitable and sustainable growth in Africa. By design AGOA is a useful mechanism for improving accessibility to trade competitiveness, connectivity, and productivity. During these past 25 years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa.
Key features and benefits of AGOA:
It’s worth reiterating here that during these past several years, AGOA has been the cornerstone of US economic engagement with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In this case, as AGOA is closely working with the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat and with the African Union (AU), trade professionals could primarily leverage various economic sectors and unwaveringly act as bridges between the United States and Africa.
* Duty-free Access: AGOA allows eligible products from sub-Saharan African countries to enter the US market without paying tariffs.
* Promotion of Economic Growth: The program encourages economic growth by providing incentives for African countries to open their economies and build free markets.
* Encouraging Economic Reforms: AGOA encourages economic and political reforms in eligible countries, including the rule of law and market-oriented policies.
* Increased Trade and Investment: The program aims to strengthen trade and investment ties between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa.
With the changing times, Africa is also building its muscles towards a new direction since the introduction of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which was officially launched in July 2019.
In practical terms, trading under the AfCFTA commenced in January 2021. And the United States has prioritized the AfCFTA as one mechanism through which to strengthen its long-term relations with the continent. In the context of the crucial geopolitical changes, African leaders, corporate executives, and the entire business community are optimistic over the extension of AGOA, for mutually beneficial trade partnerships with the United States.
Worthy to say that AGOA, to a considerable degree, as a significant trade policy has played a crucial role in promoting economic growth and development in sub-Saharan Africa.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Africa stands at the cusp of a transformative digital revolution. With the expansion of mobile connectivity, internet penetration, digital platforms, and financial technology, the continent’s digital economy is poised to become a significant driver of sustainable development, intra-Africa trade, job creation, and economic inclusion.
The African Union’s Agenda 2063, particularly Aspiration 1 (a prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development), highlights the importance of leveraging technology and innovation. The implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has opened a new chapter in market integration, creating opportunities to unlock the full potential of the digital economy across all sectors.
Despite remarkable progress, challenges persist. These include limited digital infrastructure, disparities in digital literacy, fragmented regulatory frameworks, inadequate access to financing for tech-based enterprises, and gender gaps in digital participation. Moreover, Africa must assert its digital sovereignty, build local data ecosystems, and secure cyber-infrastructure to thrive in a rapidly changing global digital landscape.
Against this backdrop, the 16th African Union Private Sector Forum provides a timely platform to explore and shape actionable strategies for harnessing Africa’s digital economy to accelerate intra-Africa trade and sustainable development.
The 16th High-Level AU Private Sector forum is set to take place in Djibouti, from the 14 to 16 December 2025, under the theme “Harnessing Africa’s Digital Economy and Innovation for Accelerating Intra-Africa Trade and Sustainable Development”
The three-day Forum will feature high-level plenaries, expert panels, breakout sessions, and networking opportunities. Each day will spotlight a core pillar of Africa’s digital transformation journey.
Day 1: Digital Economy and Trade Integration in Africa
Focus: Leveraging digital platforms and technologies to enhance trade integration and competitiveness under AfCFTA.
Day 2: Innovation, Fintech, and the Future of African Economies
Focus: Driving economic inclusion through fintech, innovation ecosystems, and youth entrepreneurship.
Day 3: Building Policy, Regulatory Frameworks, and Partnerships for Digital Growth
Focus: Creating an enabling environment for digital innovation and infrastructure through effective policy, governance, and partnerships.
To foster strategic dialogue and action-oriented collaboration among key stakeholders in Africa’s digital ecosystem, with the goal of leveraging digital economy and innovation to boost intra-Africa trade, accelerate economic transformation, and support inclusive, sustainable development.
* Promote Digital Trade: Identify mechanisms and policy actions to enable seamless cross-border digital commerce and integration under AfCFTA.
* Foster Innovation and Fintech: Advance inclusive fintech ecosystems and support innovation-driven entrepreneurship, especially among youth and women.
* Policy and Regulatory Harmonization: Build consensus on regional and continental digital regulatory frameworks to foster trust, security, and interoperability.
* Encourage Investment and Public-Private Partnerships: Strengthen collaboration between governments, private sector, and development partners to invest in digital infrastructure, R&D, and skills development.
* Advance Digital Inclusion and Sustainability: Ensure that digital transformation contributes to environmental sustainability and the empowerment of marginalized communities.
The AU Private Sector Forum has held several forums, with key recommendations. These recommendations provide valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities facing the African private sector and offer guidance for policymakers on how to support its growth and development.
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