World
Russia Shaping its Future Partnership with Africa
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The second Russia-Africa summit is planned to demonstrate Russia’s stance against Western hegemony and its capitalist domination across Africa, to show Russia’s “non-Western friends” and to further solicit enormous support for its war in Ukraine. On Africa’s side, leaders plan for their traditional deliberations on “no-cost delivery” of grains while the chosen special group of mediators continues to broker expected peace between Russia and Ukraine.
The St. Petersburg gathering is designed to determine the trajectory of Russia’s relations with African countries in the long term. The program includes more than 30-panel sessions and thematic events on the most important issues of interaction between Russia and African countries.
President Vladimir Putin and his South African counterpart Cyril Ramaphosa discussed during their phone conversation in mid-July about the African peace initiative on Ukraine. The African leaders on a Ukraine peace mission will again have an opportunity to talk with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the upcoming Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg, Kremlin Spokesman Dmitry Peskov told TASS News Agency.
Diplomatic sources earlier that the African leaders of the Ukraine peace mission from Egypt, Zambia, Comoros, Congo, Senegal, Uganda and South Africa expected to meet with the head of the Russian state before the opening of the Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg or during its work.
“The summit’s program is still being prepared. But there will surely be an opportunity to talk on the sidelines,” Peskov said, responding to a question about whether such a meeting was possible in St. Petersburg. As one of the sources told the news agency, the seven African leaders agreed to continue efforts and discuss proposals under the Ukraine peace mission.
A delegation of seven African countries that included the presidents of Zambia, Comoros, Senegal and South Africa, the Egyptian prime minister and representatives of the Republic of Congo and Uganda visited Kyiv on June 16, where it held talks with Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said in an interview with Lenta.ru daily that “the Russian Foreign Ministry is working on opening new embassies in a number of African countries.”
“Following the 1st Russia-Africa Summit in Sochi in 2019, the national leadership adopted decisions on expanding our diplomatic presence in Africa,” Lavrov said. “The Foreign Ministry is working to open new embassies in a number of African countries.”
On 12 July, Addis Ababa hosted a pre-summit roundtable; discussions focused on the prospects for the development of Russia-Africa economic and social partnership relations. “The Russia-Africa summit is an event that plays a key role in the development of relations between Russia and Africa. It is to achieve a whole new level of mutually beneficial partnership capable of meeting the challenges of the 21st century in the shortest possible time,” emphasized Evgeny Terekhin, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Ethiopia.
The digitalization of Africa is attracting particular attention from Russians. We live in a digital world and undoubtedly, the future of civilization lies in the digital economy. For 20 years, digital transformation has been underway in all regions of Russia. Russia has the world’s best digital platforms for B2B, B2C, product labelling and educational services, and Moscow has become the best city in the world in terms of living comfort and digitalization of services offered, according to Igor Morozov, Chairman of the Coordinating Committee for Economic Cooperation with African Countries (AfroCom).
Senator Igor Morozov explained further that “the other cities in the top three are Toronto and Singapore. We certainly have a lot to share with our African partners, especially since they are already prepared for a new experience. The African Continental Free Trade Zone has started operating, and many African countries, including Ethiopia, are creating science and technology parks and IT clusters.”
As always, summit participants are arriving with foreign currency in their pockets or on their credit cards to St. Petersburg. It is a normal situation travelling African leaders with US dollars on their credit cards. Similarly, Russian officials exchange local rubles for foreign currency, for instance travelling to Miami leisure beach, Havana, Cuba or to their popular destination Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. Yet, Russians are the first partisan critics of de-dollarisation.
Everything now relates to colonialism, wraps up with neo-colonial clothes. Discourse on colonialism and neo-colonialism have become fashionable. Unsurprisingly, African migrants’ gruesome death at sea is also attributed to Europeans’ neo-colonialism. And no doubt, the movement of highly-skilled labour from Africa in search of employment opportunities on the global markets. In this case, African leaders primarily must share the blame for their utter failure to smoothly address development questions and to create better conditions at home.
Russia, like Africa, has also witnessed a ‘brain-drain’ these several years; most of its skilled specialists and professionals relocated to the United States, Canada and Europe. Understandably, more than three decades after the Soviet collapse, Russia has few well-trained multipolar-oriented specialists and professionals to work seriously on its diverse policy goals across Africa.
The Russian International Affairs Council, a non-government organisation and policy think-tank, published an opinion article authored by Kirill Babaev – Director of the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor at the Financial University. He made an excellent analysis of the relations between Russia and Africa.
The article highlighted future perspectives and successes in building political dialogues during the previous years. On the other hand, he was exposed for serious consideration by authorities to some existing obstacles and weaknesses.
Brain drain is seriously affecting Russia. Today the situation has changed radically, according to his assessment. Kirill Babaev pointed out the challenges Russia faces, one of them is “an immense lack of personnel for successful work in Africa” – and further suggested a necessity for putting together a distinctive group of experienced professionals and specialists to work on practical, consistent and effective policy challenges as well as geopolitical tasks with African countries.
In sharp contrast, during pre-summit roundtable discussions held this month, Oleg Ozerov, Head of the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum, argued that Russia takes an interest in highly skilled specialists from Africa, but has no intention of encouraging any kind of “brain drain” like the West does by attracting and employing them in the United States.
“In other words, it is another form of neocolonialism, or the exploitation of Africa that has been carried out throughout centuries through the slave trade and the pumping of resources, and now it has evolved into ‘brain drain,'” Oleg Ozerov added. “In other words, those people who should boost Africa, transforming it into a new pole of growth. We are convinced that Africa has a vast future and potential, first and foremost, huge human potential in the continent.”
Reports from the World Bank indicated that the United States has the largest African diaspora, which has close-knitted business, educational and cultural links with African countries. This helps to support official efforts in promoting relations with Africa.
The US-Africa trade and commercial relations and engagement through the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) yields $78.01 billion per year, while, for instance, monetary remittances inflows to sub-Saharan Africa soared 14.1 per cent to $49 billion in 2021. Is that compared to Russia and China?
Beyond remittances, Africa benefits from the input of its diaspora considered very progressive. Ultimately, African leaders consistently engage with their diaspora, those excelling in sports, academia, business, science, technology, engineering and all those other significant sectors that the continent needs to optimise its potential and meet development priorities.
During the second week of July, St. Petersburg hosted Reversed Safari exhibit of contemporary African art, featuring works by 47 African and 14 Russian artists opened to the general public. There were over 300 pieces of art on display, including paintings, sculptures, photographs, and video footage, as well as three large-scale installations created specifically for the event. All exhibit items are devoted to the legacy of the colonial era, how different cultures interact, daily life and the search for identity.
According to Professor Gerrit Olivier, an emeritus professor at Pretoria University and former South African Ambassador to the Russian Federation and Kazakhstan, within the context of the current global changes of the 21st century, Russia is experiencing isolation, but African leaders would visit Moscow to meet Vladimir Putin. Today, Russia’s influence in Africa, despite efforts towards resuscitation, remains marginal. While, given its global status, Russia ought to be active with concrete development projects in Africa as Western Europe, the European Union, America, and China are, it is all but absent, playing a negligible role in Africa.
“These African leaders will realise that there will be no quid pro quo in Moscow, that a weakened Putin can offer nothing and his purpose with this meeting will mainly be to demonstrate support from Africa. This will probably be forthcoming in the form of a repeated ‘non-aligned’ posture (the African warped interpretation, that is), and those leaders presently under the protection of Wagner would no doubt insist on continuation. All this, no doubt, will be used as a propaganda piece against the West!”
Professor David Shinn, a former top U.S. diplomat and now an Adjunct Professor of International Affairs at George Washington University’s Elliot School of International Affairs, discusses a few significant points here relating to the forthcoming summit.
This is an interesting time for Russia to host the Africa summit. The emerging multipolar world, especially Russia’s partnership with China, briefly put Vladimir Putin in a stronger position in Africa vis-à-vis the West. Most African leaders seem to favour the multipolar order. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine significantly disrupted that positive trend for Russia. Just over half of Africa’s governments oppose or are skeptical of Moscow’s engagement in Ukraine while just under half were willing to express a neutral position and Eritrea to express support.
“The mutiny by the Wagner Group has further complicated Russia’s position in Africa and raises serious questions about the strength of its partnership with China. While a small number of autocratic African leaders beholden to the Wagner Group (and Eritrea) remain for the time being firm with Russia, I suspect the mutiny has raised second thoughts with other African leaders who were neutral and strengthened the concerns of those leaders who opposed or were sceptical of the invasion from the beginning,” Professor Shinn wrote further in his email.
According to the academic professor, Vladimir Putin would want to go forward with the Africa summit this month to “prove” to the world that the situation in Russia is back to normal. “But I wonder how enthusiastic most African leaders will be to participate at this time when the future of the Wagner Group in Africa is in doubt, Russia is doing poorly in Ukraine, and Moscow is less able to offer Africa much of tangible value. African attendance at the summit and the substance of the results will be most telling,” Professor Shinn concluded.
Dr Alex Vines, Africa Program Director at Chatham House, a policy think tank, told this author that “the Lavrov visits to Africa this year and Russian diplomacy has been focused at getting African leadership to attend the St Petersburg summit. The number of leaders attending is important for Moscow to show it’s not isolated and Africans still wish to engage with Russia diplomatically.”
Notwithstanding those several initiatives of engaging in the economic sectors and supporting Africa, Russia has its strengths and weaknesses based on history, but the balance is positive in this new world. Whatever African leaders wanted depended on their rational and calculated basis and on their ability to build up multifaceted development-oriented relations with Russia.
At the end of the summit, there would a joint declaration, pre-summit media reports indicated. Several other documents and agreements including those on cooperation in space, anti-terrorist activity and security, as well as economic and humanitarian cooperation. The second Russia-Africa summit and the Economic and Humanitarian Forum will be held in St. Petersburg at the ExpoForum Convention and Exhibition Centre on 27–28 July 2023.
By Adedapo Adesanya
Social media platform, TikTok’s Chinese owner ByteDance has signed binding agreements with United States and global investors to operate its business in America.
Half of the joint venture will be owned by a group of investors, including Oracle, Silver Lake and the Emirati investment firm MGX, according to a memo sent by chief executive, Mr Shou Zi Chew.
The deal, which is set to close on January 22, 2026 would end years of efforts by the US government to force ByteDance to sell its US operations over national security concerns.
It is in line with a deal unveiled in September, when US President Donald Trump delayed the enforcement of a law that would ban the app unless it was sold.
In the memo, TikTok said the deal will enable “over 170 million Americans to continue discovering a world of endless possibilities as part of a vital global community”.
Under the agreement, ByteDance will retain 19.9 per cent of the business, while Oracle, Silver Lake and Abu Dhabi-based MGX will hold 15 per cent each.
Another 30.1 per cent will be held by affiliates of existing ByteDance investors, according to the memo.
The White House previously said that Oracle, which was co-founded by President Trump’s supporter Larry Ellison, will license TikTok’s recommendation algorithm as part of the deal.
The deal comes after a series of delays.
Business Post reported in April 2024 that the administration of President Joe Biden passed a law to ban the app over national security concerns, unless it was sold.
The law was set to go into effect on January 20, 2025 but was pushed back multiple times by President Trump, while his administration worked out a deal to transfer ownership.
President Trump said in September that he had spoken on the phone to China’s President Xi Jinping, who he said had given the deal the go ahead.
The platform’s future remained unclear after the leaders met face to face in October.
The app’s fate was clouded by ongoing tensions between the two nations on trade and other matters.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Despite the complexities posed by Russia-Ukraine crisis, United States has been taking conscious steps to improve commercial relations with Russia. Unsurprisingly, Russia, on the other hand, is also moving to restore and normalise its diplomacy, negotiating for direct connections of air-routes and passionate permission to return its diplomats back to Washington and New York.
In the latest developments, Kirill Dmitriev, Chief Executive Officer of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF), has been appointed as Russian President’s Special Envoy to United States. This marked an important milestone towards raising bilateral investment and economic cooperation. Russian President Vladimir Putin tasked him to exclusively promote business dialogue between the two countries, and further to negotiate for the return of U.S. business enterprises. According to authentic reports, United States businesses lost $300+ bn during this Russia-Ukraine crisis, while Russia’s estimated 1,500 diplomats were asked to return to Moscow.
Strategically in late November 2025, the American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) has awarded Kirill Dmitriev, praised him for calculated efforts in promoting positive dialogue between the United States and Russia within the framework decreed by President Vladimir Putin. Chief Executive Officer of Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) Kirill Dmitriev is the Special Representative of the Russian President for Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries. Since his appointment, his primary focus has been on United States.
“Received an American Chamber of Commerce award ‘For leadership in fostering the US-Russia dialogue,’” Dmitriev wrote on his X page, in late November, 2025. According to Dmitriev, more than 150 US companies are currently operating in Russia, with more than 70% of them being present on the Russian market for over 25 years.
In addition, Chamber President Sergey Katyrin and American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) President Robert Agee have also been discussing alternatives pathways to raise bilateral business cooperation. Both have held series of meetings throughout this year, indicating the the importance of sustaining relations as previously. Expectedly, the Roscongress Foundation has been offered its platforms during St. Petersburg International Economic (SPIEF) for the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham).
On December 9, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted that, despite existing problems and non-economic obstacles, the business communities of Russia and the United States proceed from the necessity of maintaining professional dialogue. Despite the worsening geopolitical conditions, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted the importance of preserving stable channels of trade and pragmatic prospects for economic cooperation. These will further serve as a stabilizing factor and an instrument for building mutual trust at the level of business circles, industry associations, and the expert community.
The American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) will be working in the system of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry (CCI) in the Russian Federation, which currently comprises 57,000 legal entities, 130 regional chambers and a combined network of representative offices covering more than 350 points of presence.
According to reports obtained by this article author from the AmCham, promising sectors for Russian-American economic cooperation include healthcare and the medical industry, civil aviation, communications/telecom, natural resource extraction, and energy/energy equipment. The United States and Russia have, more or less, agreed to continue coordinating their work to facilitate the formation of a more favorable environment for Russian and American businesses, reduce risks, and strengthen business ties. Following the American-Russian Dialogue, a joint statement and working documents were adopted.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:
Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations
From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.
On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.
In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.
Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)
For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.
Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:
Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.
Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.
IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.
Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.
Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.
For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?
IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.
India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation
If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers. However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.
On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:
Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.
Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.
IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.
Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.
Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.
So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.
Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions
Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge. It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.
However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.
Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:
Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems
We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.
Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation
To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.
Greater role for regions and business associations
Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.
Managed balancing by India
India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.
In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.
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