World
Russia’s Romance With Africa After Soviet Collapse
By Professor Abdullahi Shehu
The collapse of the Soviet Union and the decades of the 90s seemed to have reversed the gains made in Africa-Soviet Relations and, by extension, in Africa-Russia relations.
Understandably, it was a period of politico-ideological downturn and harsh economic realities for Russia, the successor nation to the Soviet Union. The speech of H. W Bush on December 25, 1991, was clear and unambiguous. He summarized the victory of the value-based American/Western model thus: “This is a victory for democracy and freedom. It is a victory for the moral force of our values. Every American can take pride in this victory.”
Following the collapse of the USSR, a new wave of democratic change blew all over Africa. Old ideological friends of the Soviet Union changed camps in line with the changing political dynamics. Party models became transformed from single-party to multiparty systems in Africa.
Interestingly, ideologues became transformed in favour of the capitalist-democratic model. The United States sub-committee on Foreign Relations in March 1998 commended Laurent Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Paul Kagame of Rwanda, Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia and Isaiah Afwerke of Eritrea as examples of the power of democracy in Africa. Incidentally, relations with Russia’s traditional friends and those with which it had diplomatic ties were at their lowest ebb. Many Russian missions in Africa were closed down; those unclosed were severely pruned down.
ln the case of Angola, for instance, where the USSR had made tremendous financial, material, technical and military investments, the Soviet-backed Cuban military and technical personnel were all withdrawn at short notice. Demand was made for the repayment of debts owed to Russia by African countries, including her traditional partners, at a seemingly odd time when Africa’s debt burden was unbearable. These measures facilitated a new romance between African and Western partners, the latter of which were all too eager to entrench themselves in the vacuum left behind by the Soviet Union.
Old Music, New Dance
There are at least two specific commendable initiatives towards Africa designed by the government of H.E President Vladimir Putin to re-launch Russia into Africa’s geopolitical space. These initiatives, in my view, tally with the personality of H.E President Vladimir Putin, who, as an agent of the former KGB (now FSB), saw the collapse of the Soviet Union as “the major geopolitical catastrophe of the century”. In this sense, a new partnership with Africa could be defined not in terms of ideology but by alternative economic and developmental options which give Africa competitive parity.
The two initiatives are H.E President Vladimir Putin’s debt cancellation of twenty billion dollars ($20 billion) owed to Russia by African countries, which, in his very own word, “was not only a mark of generosity but also a manifestation of pragmatism”. In 2019, Russia held the first ever “Russia-Africa Summit” in Sochi, in which it committed $12.5 billion in business deals, mainly in Arms and grains.
Analysts may be quick to interpret this as the usual trend, more in the fashion of United States-Africa, China-Africa, Japan-Africa, France-Africa summits, etc; but as observed by Landry Signé between 2005 and 2015, Africa’s trade with Russia grew by 185% a “reawakening” which commenced since the 2000s.
Though this trade surge is worthy of note, the volume of trade between Russia and Africa was $14.5billion per annum in 2020. This figure, however, pales into insignificance when compared with China, whose trade with Africa has attained $165 billion per annum during the same period and $254 billion in 2021, even with its late-comer status in Africa. This is to say that the doubling of trade relations within the next five years between Africa and Russia, as stated by Vladimir Putin in 2019 in Sochi, is not only a vision in the right direction of growing Russia’s partnership with Africa, but it is also a desirable imperative.
As argued by Emman El-Badawy in the article ‘Security, Soft Power and Regime Support: Spheres of Russian Influence in Africa,’ “two distinct, now common explanations, have emerged to explain Russia’s growing interest in Africa. The first argues that Russia is intent on rekindling old Soviet-era ties to the continent to extract resources in return for security assistance – a mutually beneficial yet opportunistic strategy that is, short-term and transactional…
The alternative suggests that Putin considers Africa a so-called second frontier, after Eastern Europe for encircling Western Europe…” These reasons may sound strategic, yet they remain largely speculative and conjectural. Understandably, the perceived geopolitical irrelevance of Africa by Russia has changed, and new dynamics have beckoned on both sides of subsisting opportunities for increased collaboration between Africa and Russia. One clear thing, therefore, is that Africa-Russia relations are on the ascendancy again after the post-Soviet era of passivity and inaction.
Between 2015 and 2019, a total of 20 bilateral military cooperation agreements were signed between Russia and African states. Many Russian companies such as Lukoil, Gasprom, Rosatom and Restec are some of Russia’s energy and power industries which are actively engaged in Nigeria, Egypt, Angola, Algeria and Ethiopia. Here, it must be stressed that in 2018, “Nigerian oil and gas Exploration Company Oranto Petroleum announced that it would be cooperating with Russia’s largest oil producer, Rosneft, to develop 21 oil assets across 17 African countries.”
Unfortunately, this has not materialized due to Rosneft’s lack of interest in doing business in Africa. Additionally, Russian Rosatom has signed nuclear energy agreements with 18 African countries, including Nigeria, Egypt, Ethiopia and Rwanda, to address the power needs of those countries.
In summarizing the Russian strategic policy interest in Africa and given the strong limitation of its current capability, according to Paul Stronski, one time Senior Analyst for Russian domestic politics for the U.S State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research, “in many respects, Russia’s reemergence in Africa, is an earnest attempt to resume relations where they were left when the Soviet Union departed the scene.”
Continuing, Paul Stronski further argues that “the Horn of Africa represents an opportunity for Russia to secure a springboard for projecting power into the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and the Persian Gulf. In sub-Saharan Africa, its priority is on exploiting new commercial opportunities and securing diplomatic support for its positions in multilateral institutions.”
The visible signs of Russian activities in the Central African Republic, Mali, Libya and Angola lend incredulity to Stronki’s assertion judging from the concrete deliverables so far enjoyed from Africa-Russia relationships. For instance, when the United States was unwilling to supply Nigeria with arms in 2014 to execute the war against Boko Haram because of allegations of human rights violations, Nigeria was able to place an order for 12 attack helicopters from Russia. To my Russian friends, I say thank you. Thank you on behalf of H.E Muhammadu Buhari, whom I represent. Thank you on behalf of the Nigerian people whom it is my privilege to serve in Russia.
Africa and Neo-Colonialism
Africa may have divested itself majorly from the vestiges of colonial bondage, yet the yoke of neocolonialism continues to bring new challenging shackles which erode the gains of Africa’s independence. As observed by Charles McKelvey (2017), the new struggle is characterized by “core peripheral economic relations that in essence is a continuation of the economic relations imposed by conquest and force during the colonial era… it is a rule through a figure-head bourgeoisie that inserts itself into the structures of economic penetration and exploitation benefiting itself at the expense of the majority of the people in the nation. It finds expression in economic and cultural imperialism, in conditional aid designed to exert influence or indirect control.”
Although Africa is not alone in this new malaise, its emphatic vulnerability is more reflected in Africa by the weaknesses of its institutions and the pervasive invasion of the world order that keeps it in perpetual economic subjugation to the global north. One of the famous speeches of Julius Nyerere, the former President of Tanzania, on “Ujamaa” aptly captures this situation when he said that before independence, fifteen tons of our maize could buy us a car; today, we have to produce twenty-five tons of maize to buy the same brand of car.
It is in light of the foregoing that an international trading system that guarantees equity and fairness needs to be revisited and renegotiated. In this context, I commend the shift of BRICS in its new method of doing business. This is just a beginning and not an end in the long and tortuous road to the route along which a new world order that will be based on equity, fairness and justice will go. There is no doubt that that long road towards a desired equitable world order of which only a step has been taken by BRICS, will have a series of dangerous rivers to cross in its journey to maturation. The visibility of and the potent challenge against the current world order by BRICS is indicative of the order’s waning influence and its global loss of appeal.
Understanding The Realities
Despite the tidal surge in the new Africa-Russia relations and given the strategic role played by the defunct Soviet Union, now succeeded by Russia, in the attainment of the independence of many African countries, both parties must accept the constraints posed by the former (Russia) by the new economic cum geopolitical realities. The acceptance of these new realities is important in order to properly assist in the management of Africa’s expectations from Russia, particularly in the short term.
The first reality is that though Russia is the successor to the defunct Soviet Union, it is not a substitute for the latter economically, materially, geopolitically and financially. Africa’s mindset must therefore change from that of aid-recipient nations to one of the competitive trading nations in which there must be a valuable addition to its primary products.
Next is that, as demonstrated in the recent sanctions imposed on Russia by the West, Africa holds a good prospect for the viability and profitability of Russian manufacturing companies desirous of relocating to Africa in order to capitalize on the advantage of cheap African labour. If the west is declaring fortunes as profits in Africa, Russian companies can also do so only if they agree and are willing to venture out. The booming young population of Africa and its vast reserve of natural and mineral resources provide the catalytic appeal for a such a profitable venture.
Arms Sales and African Security
A very important component in Russia-Africa relations is the supply of military equipment such as battle tanks, warships, fighter aircraft and combat helicopters. Others are small arms such as pistols and assault rifles like the Kalashnikov AK-200 series. Russian soaring arms interest in Africa can briefly be summarized as follows: arms export from Russia to Africa contributes about 35% of global arms export to the African region, while China accounts for 17%. Others are the United States (9.6%) and France (6.9%).
This increasing export of arms to the African continent by Russia could, however, in a sense, exacerbate insecurity and instability, as well as escalate the level of crimes and the proclivity to criminality. It is, therefore, in the strategic interest of Russia to be critically selective in its arms sales to African countries. Of particular worry and strategic concern to Africa is the “deployment of private Russian mercenary groups” as well as other private military groups in countries like Libya, Sudan, Mozambique and CAR. As noted by Paul Stronski, “guns have opened many more doors for the Kremlin in Africa than butter.”
Support for Africa’s democratic institutions and agencies will lead to a more stable Africa which is in Russia’s overall long-term interest and positive image than immediate short-term economic and financial gain.
Changing the Narratives
Although Russia, through the defunct Soviet Union, has had long-standing warm relations with Africa, particularly during the cold war era, today’s realities offer long-term opportunities which can be explored and exploited by both sides to advantage. An example is that with Africa’s bourgeoning young population and the increasing quality of that population through education, the exportation of Africa’s raw materials to Europe and, by extension, Russia is no longer a feasible and sustainable trajectory in any meaningful Africa-Russian long-term relations. As a viable alternative and sustainable option, I foresee an Africa which will demand more of Russian direct engagement in the extractive and manufacturing sectors.
Today, for instance, Nigeria offers Russia the advantage of that cheap and robust labour. Given Russia’s recent experience of sanctions by America and its western allies, a new model of doing business with Africa through investment has become not only sustainable but also imperative. Perhaps, one of the sectors where this model of doing business can be symbiotically harnessed is in the field of agriculture and its value chain as a result of the steep rise in the large African market and the projected certainty of huge returns on investment in this sector.
Africa holds a sizeable amount of the world’s natural resources. However, as noted by Jideofor Adibe, “Russia – just like other major powers – also covets many of Africa’s raw materials and is creating joint projects and investments in order to access them. From the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the Central African Republic, Russian companies are scaling up their activities in the mining of resources such as coltan, cobalt, gold and diamonds.
In Zimbabwe, for instance, a joint venture between Russia’s JSC Afromet and Zimbabwe’s Pen East Ltd is developing one of the world’s largest deposits of platinum group metal”. Such an example of Russia’s visibility in the collaboration and the exploitation of African natural resources can be extended to the development of vast mineral deposits in, for example, Nigeria. In this connection, contacts have been initiated with the Hon. Minister for Solid Mineral Development of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to initiate business with JSC Afromet so as to jointly explore and exploit the comparative advantage that Nigeria enjoys in its solid minerals.
Given the challenges that most African countries face in providing adequate power and energy, the number of Memoranda of Understanding (MOU) that Rosatom, Russia’s nuclear power company, has signed with at least fourteen African countries is welcoming news. What will be more significant, however, is the extent of the implementation of the MOUs since, by their very nature, the construction and operation of nuclear plants are ventures with prospects for deepening long-term relationships.
Recommendations for Future
The rapid intervention of the Russian SPUTNIK V Vaccine in Africa during the severe COVID-19 period was a magnificent show of solidarity with Africa and its people and thus demonstrated the importance of such collaboration and partnership in the face of future pandemics or calamity. Nigeria, for example, remains ever prepared to collaborate with Russia to deepen scientific knowledge in the areas of research on pandemics such as we have in COVID-19.
Although there is no doubt that Africa has benefitted immensely from its collaboration with Russia, politically, educationally, militarily, financially and security-wise yet, much circumspection and delicate balancing needs to be done by Russia between its commercial interests of arms exports to Africa and the latter’s security concerns. Africa’s long-term sustainability, stability and development are in the overall interest of both parties and the fulcrum of their relations. Nigeria, nevertheless, remains eternally grateful for Russia’s arms assistance whenever its sovereignty is challenged and Russia is called to come to its assistance.
Nigeria offers Russia the economic advantage of “produce in Africa and export elsewhere.” Such a model was effectively used by the United States of America in China. For example, imagine how many Russian pharmaceutical companies Nigeria can cheaply and conveniently service with starch as the world’s largest producer of cassava, the derivative of which is starch?
Part of Africa’s inability to optimize its economic opportunities is as a result of low energy and power. The subsisting contracts signed between Russian energy and power companies such as Lukoil, Gazprom, Rosatom and Restec and Nigeria, Egypt, Angola, Algeria and Ethiopia etc to help solve the power needs in Africa are steps in the right direction. Similarly, Rosneft’s agreement with Nigerian oil and gas Exploration Company Oranto Petroleum to develop 21 oil assets across 17 African countries should now move beyond agreement into concrete deliverables. Furthermore, Rosatom’s nuclear energy agreements with 18 African countries, including Nigeria, Egypt, Ethiopia and Rwanda, to address their energy and power concerns should be transformed into measurable results.
Additionally, the establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which is the largest of its kind in the world, provides Africa with a unique opportunity for intra-African trade and hence, empowers Africa’s own capacities and investments. In this respect, there has been increased agreement by African leaders for a common African currency so as to protect Africa from the associated shocks due to the vulnerabilities of commodity prices. A such common currency will give Africa a better voice in international trade and will significantly enhance Africa-Russia trade, as well as global competitiveness for foreign investment.
Meanwhile, according to the World Bank projection, by 2050, Nigeria’s population will be about 400 million, making it the third world’s largest. Such a huge market provides sufficient grounds now for strong and strategic partnerships to meet the beneficial ends of Africa and Russia. A further step in this partnership could be the gravitation from BRICS to perhaps a larger partnership that includes Nigeria – BRINCS.
Africa has remained, for too long, an inconsequential pawn on the chessboard of political-power play where the wishes and aspirations of the African people hardly mattered. Like other regions of the world, Africa’s wishes and desires, expressed in the choice of its leaders through free, fair and credible-election processes, remain sacrosanct. Imposition, super-imposition or subversion of this order challenges the sovereignties of member nations, undermines its people and questions the commonality of our shared humanity.
It is in this context that Africa and, indeed, Nigeria desires to assiduously walk and work with the Russian Federation toward the realization of this noble objective of fairly, equitably and creditably electing (not selecting) Africa’s leaders in accordance with the aspiration of the African people. This is going to be a long walk and hard work in which Africa will be at the vanguard or driver’s seat, conscious that in its own hands lies its destiny.
Africa is aware of the inextricable correlation between bad leadership and poverty. Undoubtedly, therefore, many elected African leaders have failed the litmus test of good governance through their primitive accumulation of illegal state wealth by evidential demonstration of corruption, nepotism, ethnicism and tribalism. They have, by doing so, thwarted the critical aspirations of the African people by bequeathing unto them abject poverty and hopelessness.
Yet, the cherished values of the democratic principles under which those leaders were elected provide for the method of their removal from office. In Nigeria, for example, the government of Goodluck Jonathan was voted out of power after a term in office despite his incumbency. Furthermore, the fact that some countries in Africa have recorded certain democratic successes translates to the fact that Africa’s problem is not the system but the operators of the system.
It is, therefore, hoped that Russia, along with other powerful actors in the continent, will continue to respect the integrity and sacrosanct nature of Africa’s political-leadership recruitment and change processes. Such respect provides the solid foundation on which the future stability, progress and development of Africa will be anchored. It also helps to build up the accumulated reservoir of the body of knowledge so required in Africa’s leadership recruitment process and electoral change.
In conclusion, I have attempted to summarize the context and content that shape Africa-Russia Relations. In that context and content, I have discussed Africa’s resonating past, the struggle against colonialism, the independence of African nations and the role of the then Soviet Union and, by extension, Russia in that struggle, as well as the subtle emergence of neocolonialism of the global north against the south. Part of the major essence of this lecture was to look at the past with a view to charting a course for the future, inhaling the fresh aroma of the beauty of the ‘rose’ in the Africa-Russia relationship, weeding out the thorns of inconvenience on which Africa and Russia have marched and straighten any crooked path along which both have passed so as to arrive faster to the desired destination.
Doing so calls for an atmosphere of cordiality and frankness, commitment and re-dedication. Africa-Russia relations have been a warm one, with Russia offering Africa a lot of assistance often, on an ideological basis, during Africa’s decolonization struggle. The immediate post-Soviet era marked a period of aloofness and indifference to Africa. However, the ascendancy of Africa to relevance, marked by the competition for Africa’s resources in what has been described as the “New Scramble” for Africa, has launched Russia as an indispensable part of Africa’s developmental equation.
While Africa cherishes the important MOUs and agreements Russia has with Africa through ROSATOM, GAZPROM, ROSNEFT, etc, there is a need to translate such agreements and MOUs into concrete realities. Additionally, balancing of Russia’s commercial interests of arms sales to Africa will ensure that the latter enjoys relative stability and peace so vital for its own development.
Equally important is that the constitutions of African countries remain sacrosanct with respect to the political-leadership recruitment process. The constitutions of member states of Africa also specify the methods of leadership change rather than creating leaders in perpetuity. Respect for the constitutions of African countries provides the basis for leadership legitimacy and the foundation for enduring democracy and hope in institutions and authority.
It is important to end with a quote from Joseph Siegle, the Director of Research for the African Centre for Strategic Studies, “building more mutually beneficial Africa relations depends on changes in both substance and process. Such a shift would require Russia to establish more conventional bilateral engagements with African institutions and not individuals. These initiatives would focus on strengthening trade, investment, technology transfer and educational exchanges. If transparently negotiated and equitably implemented, such Russian initiatives would be welcomed by many Africans.”
Professor Abdullahi Shehu, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the Russian Federation with concurrent accreditation to the Republic of Belarus.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
In an increasingly struggle for Russia’s influence in Africa, including political, economic and humanitarian spheres, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov started 2026 with a pack of invitations for African foreign ministers, strategically as part of preliminary preparations for the next Russia-Africa summit. Armed with Russia’s policy intentions in Africa (Strategic Action Plan 2023-2026), Lavrov interacted with the same group of foreign ministers in December 2025, in Cairo, the capital of Egypt.
In pursuit of strengthening ‘political dialogue’ which features prominently, Lavrov’s high-ranking guests since the beginning of this year included the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso, Karamoko Traore, with whom several bilateral documents were signed in February. In the same month, Tanzania’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, Mahmoud Thabit Kombo, visited with a special focus on expanding cooperation in trade, economic, and investment spheres.
On January 14, the Minister of International Relations and Trade of the Republic of Namibia, Selma Ashipala-Musavyi, went on a working visit to Russia, held comprehensive discussions raising bilateral relations. Ashipala-Musavyi, who serves as Co-Chair of the Intergovernmental Russian-Namibian Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation, was received by Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation and Plenipotentiary Presidential Envoy to the Far Eastern Federal District Yury Trutnev, who heads the Russian side of the IGC. The conversation focused primarily on the substantive content of the 11th IGC meeting in Windhoek.
Firstly, Russia is one of the world’s largest grain producers. And developing the port infrastructure of the Far East and the Arctic is a potential window for supplies to African countries. Secondly, with the application of state support measures, private investors are creating new large-scale fertiliser production plants. One such enterprise is the Nakhodka Mineral Fertiliser Plant in Primorye Territory, which is scheduled to reach its design capacity in 2027.
“Namibia has rich marine resources and a strategic location. Russia has the fleet, technology and experience. Together, we could maximise catch levels and expand processing. At the same time, Russian companies strive for responsible fishing, paying close attention to marine ecology and the reproduction of key fish stocks,” Zapryagayev said at the business forum that was held in mid-March, as part of the 11th meeting of the Russian-Namibian intergovernmental commission on trade and economic cooperation.
Updated Russia-Kenya’s Experiences
On March 16, Foreign Minister Lavrov held talks with the Prime Cabinet Secretary and Cabinet Secretary for Foreign and Diaspora Affairs of the Republic of Kenya, Mudavadi, who was in Moscow on a working visit on March 15-18. There were detailed discussions on the current state and prospects for Russia–Kenya relations, while both parties outlined practical steps to strengthen political dialogue, and determine pathways for expanding mutually beneficial partnership in trade and the broad economic areas.
An engaged exchange of views resulted in signing a multitude of documents, updated policy interest in Russia’s experience in developing painstaking initiative projects in Kenya. It was described as being in the framework context of Russian foreign policy. In a speech boosting relations, Lavrov, with unrestrained rhetoric, underlined sectors such as energy, including nuclear, telecommunications, geological prospecting, mineral resources mining and high technologies, including space exploration, as promising areas.
Lavrov foresaw Russia’s delay in cooperating with Kenya and suggested speeding up preparations of the agreement on the establishment of a bilateral commission on economic cooperation, an instrument through which to implement economic projects. “We agreed today to expedite the work carried out for rather a long time thus far on preparation of the intergovernmental agreement for the establishment of the Russian-Kenyan commission for economic cooperation,” the minister said.
The visit of Kenya’s foreign minister to Moscow gives a new impetus to the political dialogue between the two parties and makes it possible to outline the path for further deepening of trade and economic relations, agreeing on further conscious efforts in the promising area of bilateral cooperation, at least, as a summary result after Lavrov’s talks with his Kenyan counterpart, Mudavadi.
For now, prospects remain on the table, as Russia shows readiness to offer partnership at a qualitatively new level with Kenya, so also with many African countries. The demand for Russian university education is high in the East African nation. Besides education and training, both Kenyan and Russian officials highly recognise the great potential for increasing trade and economic cooperation, which has not been realised yet. Plans to establish an intergovernmental commission to deal with these matters were announced during Lavrov’s visit to Kenya in 2023. The issue was brought up once again at a meeting between Georgy Karasin, the chairman of the Russian Federation Council’s Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Kathuri Murungi, the Deputy Speaker of Kenya’s Senate.
Notably, the Africa Centre for the Study of Russia (ACSOR), aimed at strengthening scientific, cultural and political ties between Russia and Kenya, opened at the University of Nairobi on February 25, according to local Russian media reports. Western-trained dominates African politics. Russia has under-leveraged its Russian-trained African professionals and specialists, compared to the extent to which the United States and China support theirs in employment structures.
Far ahead of the arrival of the Kenya delegation, Dr. Peter Mutuku Mathuki, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Kenya in the Russian Federation, told this article author that Russia’s multifaceted cooperation with Kenya has, steadily, taken on a new dimension, emphasizing the two countries look forward to concluding trade agreements under negotiation, which will open up more economic opportunities both at public and private sector levels. Kenya’s priority in the Russian Federation is to implement the objectives of our foreign policy hinged on deepening the Kenya-Russia bilateral relations across the board. However, Kenya’s economic presence in the Russian Federation is currently minimal, as manifested by a limited range of export products to the market in the Russian Federation.
Incredible Lessons from Summits
Nonetheless, before the 2019 summit, trade volume between Russia and Kenya was $397 million in 2018, compared to $625 million in 2023 and $638 million in 2024. Russia still has an opportunity to leverage the untapped potential in the continent to drive sustainable development. Investors can benefit from the diverse government incentives existing across Africa. As Africa is indiscriminately open for business, so in May 2026, Kenya will hold an investment summit for France, to position Africa as a key partner in global innovation and economic development while strengthening bilateral ties with France and advancing Africa’s collective agenda on the international stage.
Today, Russia’s engagement is largely noticeable in politics, while there is little impact on Africa’s economy, except reaping huge revenues from military and weaponry sales to African countries in persistent and endless conflicts, and raising exports of agricultural products such as grains to the continent. In addition, African leaders are excited about the emotional solidarity and harbour nostalgic Soviet-style romanticism. Over the years, African leaders’ negotiations have been one-sided, only considering Russia’s investment in Africa. Thus, until today, Africa’s economic presence is extremely low in the Russian Federation.
Policy experts and academic researchers review the current Russia-Africa relations, portraying it as a threat to Africa’s sovereignty or an opportunity to exploit resources. In the French-Speaking African countries, Russia’s agreements seek uninterrupted access to natural resources in exchange for military cooperation, maintaining security and even providing security guards to African leaders, such as in the Central African Republic (CAR). Since 2017, when Russia operated in CAR, it has hardly undertaken any infrastructure projects or invested in any productive sectors in that country, headed by Faustin-Archange Touadéra.
Russia to Study Africa’s Investment Landscape
Perhaps, and precisely, the Director of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor Irina Abramova, described Russia’s connectivity with Africa explicitly, in her interview with local media African Initiative in February, first pointing to the historical fact that after the collapse of the Soviet era, Russia slammed the door on Africa. She further argued that Russia’s policy is currently full of symbolism, highly-toned rhetoric and little action on implementing agreements signed with several African countries. For now, Africa opens up the broadest economic opportunities for any external player—primarily the Chinese, followed by Indians, and now players from the Arab Gulf region, who picked up this “baton” and are strategically active on the continent.
That, however, simply means Russia has to study the investment landscape. But, constantly referring to reasons such as the lack of money is an ineffective way to deal with Africa, according to Professor Abramova. She suggested to ministry officials to “discard reciting administrative rules and regulations; make way for flexibility. And finally, the most important thing is coordination.”
But in reality, if Russia had built a normal new financial mechanism, it would not have cared. In practical terms, Russia has little foresight. Russia, simply, lacks interconnectedness with Africa and with Africans. That is, elements of psychology and elements of faith are involved. And this is an absolutely new phenomenon that is spreading across the entire world.
For approximately 15 years, Professor Abramova has reiterated that Africa must be approached in a comprehensive and coordinated way. Coordination is the most important thing. First and foremost, it is people, because personnel decide everything. Africans’ attitude towards Russia is, generally, very positive. This is genuinely felt when travelling a great deal around Africa.
Focus on Security over Development
According to researched academic reports, Russia’s weak economic presence in Africa has become research topic in educational institutions, with the Federal Committee on Economic Policy, Association of Economic Cooperation with African States (AECAS) established under the auspices of the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum (RAPF) and the Coordinating Committee on Economic Cooperation with Africa, pointing to conditions of pressure from sanctions imposed by United States. Finding excuses to cover policy weaknesses. This sole reason has prominently featured in official reports since the start of the Russia-Ukraine crisis in late February 2022. With renewed rising interests in Africa, experts also cited Russia’s weak structures in establishing effective ways of entry into the huge continent full of opportunities.
Russia has only 1% of its direct investment, due to limited financial resources, a lack of investment mechanisms, and severe competition from Chinese and Western investors. Russia focuses on arms and the export of grains to generate revenue for its budget. While Russia has forgotten billions, over 30 years ago, in Soviet-era debts to foster goodwill, this often links to new arms deals, which do not absolutely build diversified, sustainable economic integration in Africa.
Against the backdrop of intensifying relations with Africa, the percentage of collective influence (politics, economy and social, combined) varies: China holds 65%, the US – 53%, the EU – 49%, India – 38% and Russia – 29%. Trade with Africa also varies largely: China has now offered zero-tariff treatment to 52 African countries, and its trade has already reached $348 billion in 2025. India has $58 billion, and the United States has extended its AGOA agreement with Africa. Russia has nothing; at least the trade preferences that were promised over the years have remained meaningless for Africa.
A Few Significant Steps Forward
In this analysis, Russia and Africa have historically come a long way. One significant step forward is to seriously prioritise its policy architecture and turn over a new page in the history of mutually beneficial cooperation, with special attention on the development of corporate business, technology and agro-industrial complex. It has placed concrete emphasis on the importance of the active participation of Russian companies in the implementation of infrastructure projects on the African continent. Building modern distribution centres, developing port complexes and organising joint logistics solutions will be key areas of cooperation.
These ambitious steps will allow us to strengthen Russia’s ultimate position on the market, further outlining practical measures to boost dialogue in economic, trade and other fields, and to establish stable economic relations with African countries. Together, Russia will be able to realise the potential of both regions and ensure the prosperity of Africa and its people.
For multilateralism, and what Foreign Minister Lavrov has frequently mentioned, in the framework of multipolar architecture, Africa has to, without discrimination, interact and hold regular meetings with any external states it seriously considers important for its development. In practical terms, Russia has to demonstrate its preparedness to engage Africa. One fact is clear—Africa, as of today, remains a critical arena for key global powers, balancing the great-power competition and rivalry. African leaders are prepared for this so long as these players truly have adequate funds to invest, not just political rhetoric and a show of symbolism. In a continental context, that is broadly referred to as Africa’s Agenda 2063.
World
Online African Women Conference: From Adaptation in Russia to Issues of Health and Spirituality
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Women, generally, are fighting for their own empowerment in society. Gender equality dominates their activities, flexing their feminine muscles for higher positions, with men, in diverse professional aspects, including politics and entrepreneurial spheres of activity.
Such consistent struggle was backed by a collective declaration, worldwide observing March 8 as International Women’s Day. Until today, March 8 commemorates women’s fight for equality and liberation along with the women’s rights movement. In addition, the March 8 celebration focuses on issues such as gender equality, reproductive rights, and violence and abuse against women.
On the eve of March 8, the Cameroonian Diaspora (Diaspocam) and the “African Business Club” together with Russian women’s organisations, held a special online conference under the theme: “How to Succeed as a Woman in Russia”, which brought together over a hundred participants from different regions, including Africa.
The discussion was dedicated to the challenges of adaptation, career prospects, health, and spiritual security of a fast-growing number of young African women living in the Russian Federation. The conference was moderated by Louis Gouend, a specialist in business communications between Russia and Africa, President of the African Business Club, and an expert of the Council of Russia-Africa Cooperation under the State Duma, lower chamber of Russian legislators.
Louis Gouend congratulated the women participants while extending to them good health, wisdom, and new achievements. The main goal of the conference was to create a space of trust and exchange views on the full spectrum of women’s multidisciplinary approach to questions.
On adaptation and legislation: Alina Andrukh, Director of the International Department, spoke on the topic “Global Adaptation of Foreign Citizens in Russia.” She thoroughly examined educational trajectories for women, employment opportunities, and new legislative realities that foreign women need to consider when building a career in the Russian Federation.
The speaker further placed special emphasis on how to avoid getting into trouble, complying with Russian laws, and protecting one’s rights.
Health Without Barriers and Support Centres: One of the most anticipated speeches was given by Ekaterina Glok, a midwife by profession. In her presentation on “The Health of an African Woman in Russia,” she touched upon the delicate topics of reproductive and sexual health. The expert gave practical advice on how to overcome the language barrier and shyness when visiting a gynaecologist, and explained the specifics of the Russian healthcare system for foreign patients.
Ekaterina, however, reminded the women of the importance of regular medical check-ups: visiting a doctor, at least, once a year is necessary even in the absence of complaints. She informed the participants about the existence of support centres for women and single mothers, where they can turn to in difficult life situations. Additionally, the speaker announced her upcoming working missions in the Republic of Cameroon, planned for May 2026, and gave many practical tips on maintaining women’s health.
Social and Cultural Challenges – Warning About Dangers: An important block of questions concerning safety and conscious motherhood was highlighted by Mme Zima épouse Ndong Toung Celestine Charlotte, Cultural Advisor at the Embassy of Cameroon. She had a frank conversation, warning the girls about scammers and dishonest individuals offering attractive working conditions, behind which often lie indecent earnings and dangerous situations.
The Advisor reminded that for those who came to Russia to study, education should remain their main priority. She urged lady students to be vigilant, not to give in to dubious offers, and to postpone questions of pregnancy and starting a family to a later period, after completing their studies. She touched upon the legal and moral aspects of unwanted pregnancy, calling on the girls to engage in conscious life planning.
Economic Independence and Earning Opportunities: Luciana Tchami, a member of the executive bureau of Diaspocam, a non-profit social organisation, presented a report on “Women’s Capabilities: Professions and Part-Time Jobs for Young Women in Russia.” She gave examples of successful strategies for earning money and building a career within the conditions of the Russian labour market that are accessible to foreign students and young professionals.
The speaker detailed specific areas of work: young women can take short-term training courses and work in beauty salons (manicure, pedicure); many cafes and restaurants offer convenient part-time jobs. Luciana also mentioned specialised websites with attractive conditions for job seekers and opportunities for remote work: becoming a freelancer and helping with tasks online, for online stores, and in other areas.
Spiritual Support: A Reminder of a Woman’s Value. The conference concluded with Pastor Gustave Mbeng, responsible for charity at Diaspocam. His prayer-speech was dedicated to women’s rights and spiritual awakening. As a pastor, Mbeng reminded the participants that woman is the last and most ideal creation of God, perfect in all parameters of the universe. He emphasised that women are more beautiful and harmonious than men, and urged the girls to take care of themselves and not to distance themselves from God, so that there would be fewer difficulties and questions in life.
Pastor Gustave further paid special attention to the theme of preserving life. He took a stand against abortion, reminding that every child is a creation of God, and in the eyes of the Almighty, there is no such concept as abortion. If pregnancy does occur, it is important to preserve the child’s life and trust in God’s providence.
Technical organisation, moderation, translation and coordination of the conference were provided by Iness Zengue Abeng, President of the Association of International Students “Russia-Africa,” and Belle-Grâce Euphrasie, Dean, who acted as interpreter during the online event.
Conclusion and Future Plans: At the end, Louis Gouend extended gratitude to all participants, speakers, and presenters for the warm and trusting atmosphere.
The conference was held in an open dialogue format on the”Yandex Telemost” platform, which allowed women from different parts of Russia to ask questions live and receive moral support. Following the meeting, the organisers decided to hold such an online gathering, including organising a series of meetings not only for women but also for foreigners living in Russia.
The topics of future conferences will aim at education, open discussions, and debate on issues important for Africans in the Russian Federation: knowing one’s rights, being able to avoid unpleasant situations, behaving correctly in difficult life circumstances, and preserving cultural and spiritual identity.
Until now, prejudice and reactionary attitudes have denied full-fledged civic rights to millions of women, who are considered as workers, mothers, family partners, and citizens worldwide. Nevertheless, International Women’s Day, with its chequered history, is a public holiday in several countries. The United Nations observes the holiday in connection with a particular issue, campaign, or theme in women’s rights across the world.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Beijing’s decades-long policy decision to expand Chinese presence in Africa has, largely, transcended into gifting buildings. The African Union and Africa’s CDC to Zimbabwe’s parliamentary village, Ghana’s Foreign Ministry headquarters, and Egypt’s sports stadium, among many others, are classic examples. Following all these, China will hand over the new headquarters of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in mid-March 2026.
Since the turn of the 21st century, China has risen to become Africa’s geopolitical partner, addressing concrete infrastructural projects across the continent. As is well-known, Beijing does so, with the sole aim of spending thousands of dollars to gain strategic control of the continent’s critical resources.
In an official news release, the regional bloc’s president, Dr Omar Alieu Touray, said that the new headquarters complex in Abuja, Nigeria, which will house the Commission, Parliament, and Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), will be operational in March 2026.
Built on a 7-hectare site along the road to Abuja airport, the building is currently completed. Known as the ‘Eye of West Africa,’ the new ECOWAS headquarters complex is entirely funded and built by the People’s Republic of China through the China International Development Cooperation Agency (China Aid).
It is a modern and functional administrative building, designed to meet the needs of the West African organisation. It will provide services to create a favourable working environment for the community’s staff members. The new complex comprises a main administrative building with three restaurants/cafeterias, banking rooms, a crèche, a gym, and three blocks containing 899 workstations: block A (central) has 11 floors, and blocks B and C have eight floors each.
It also includes a multipurpose building with security facilities, shops, a water tank, and archive rooms, as well as car parks with a total capacity of 702 parking spaces, a 720-seat auditorium, two committee rooms, a conference room, an equipment room, guard posts, and a helipad.
The new ECOWAS headquarters complex is seen as a symbol of the strengthening cooperation between China and the regional organisation. It is part of a technical and institutional partnership aimed at further supporting ECOWAS’ operational capacities, as well as part of ongoing cooperation between the two parties.
Accordingly, the headquarters complex will enable greater operational efficiency, reduced costs, and increased staff productivity. ECOWAS has expressed deep gratitude and sincere appreciation to China for its commitment and support to the regional organisation through the construction, seen as a ‘symbol of Beijing’s steadfast commitment to West African integration.’
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