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The Balancing Act of Diplomacy: How Russia Struggles to Appear on Africa’s Horizon

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Russia Africa

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

As popularly known to African leaders, Russia has thousands of decade-old undelivered pledges and several bilateral agreements signed with individual countries, yet to be implemented, in the continent.

In addition, during the previous years, there has been an unprecedented huge number of “working visits” by state officials both ways, to Africa and to the Russian Federation.

In an authoritative policy report presented last November titled Situation Analytical Report and prepared by 25 Russian policy experts, it was noted that Russia’s Africa policy is roughly divided into four periods, previously after the Soviet’s collapse in 1991. After the first summit held in October 2019, Russia’s relations with Africa have entered its fifth stage.

According to that report, “the intensification of political contacts is only with a focus on making them demonstrative.” Russia’s foreign policy strategy regarding Africa needs to spell out and incorporate the development needs of African countries. The number of high-level meetings has increased but the share of substantive issues on the agenda remains small. There are few definitive results from such meetings. Next, there has been a lack of coordination among various state and para-state institutions working with Africa.

Despite the above objective criticisms or better still the research findings, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s trip to four African countries on 24-27 July still has considerable geopolitical significance and some implications. The four African countries on his travel agenda were Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda and the Republic of the Congo.

In a pre-departure interview with local Russian media, Lavrov shared reflections on the prospects for Russia-African relations within the context of the current geopolitical and economic changes, fearing isolation with tough sanctions after Russia’s February 24 “special military operation” in Ukraine.

He unreservedly used, at least, the media platform to clarify Russia’s view of the war and attract allies outside the West, and rejected the West’s accusations that Russia is responsible for the current global economic crisis and instability.

Reports said African countries are among those most affected by the ripples of the war. There are, however, other natural causes such as long seasonal droughts that complicated the situation in Africa.

Lavrov reiterated an assurance that Russian grain “commitments” would be fulfilled and offered nothing more to cushion the effects of the cost-of-living crisis. In a contrast, at least, the United States offered a $1.3 billion package to help tackle hunger in Africa’s Horn.

It is a historical fact that Russia’s ties with Africa declined with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The official transcripts made available after Lavrov’s meetings in Egypt offered little, much has already been said about developments in the North African and Arab world, especially those including Libya, Syria and Yemen, as well as the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts.

With the geographical location of Egypt, Lavrov’s visit has tacit implications. It followed US President Joe Biden’s first visit to the Middle East, during which he visited Israel, the Palestinian territories and Saudi Arabia. Biden also took part in a summit of the six member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in addition to Egypt, Jordan and Iraq.

Lavrov’s efforts toward building non-Western ties at this crucial time are highly commendable, especially with the Arab League Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul Gheit and representatives from the organization’s 22 member states. Egypt has significant strategic and economic ties with Russia. There are two major projects namely the building of nuclear plants, the contract signed back in 2015 and the construction of an industrial zone has been on the planning table these several years.

In the aftermath of the Soviet Union, Russia continues efforts in search of possible collaboration and opportunities for cooperation in the past years.

For the first time in the Republic of Congo, Lavrov delivered a special message from President Vladimir Putin to the Congolese President Denis Sassou Nguesso, at his residence in Oyo, a town 400 kilometres north of the capital, Brazzaville. Kremlin records show that Sassou-Nguesso, who has been in power since 1979, last visited Moscow in May 2019 and before that in November 2012.

The Congolese leader during his visit apparently asked for Russia’s greater engagement and assistance in bringing total peace and stability in Central Africa comprising the Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Cameroon and Chad.

This presents a considerable interest especially its “military-technical cooperation” to further crash French domination similar to the Republic of Mali in West Africa.

Interviews made by this author confirmed that Russia would send more military experts from Wagner Group to DRC through the Central African Republic.

An insider at the Congo’s Foreign Affairs Ministry confirmed the special message relates to an official invitation for Congolese President Sassou-Nguesso to visit Moscow.

Understanding the political developments and much talked about transition (better to describe it as hereditary succession) of the regime from President Yoweri Museveni to his son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, unquestionably brings Lavrov to Uganda. For Museveni, drawing closer to Russia sends a critical message about the motives for relations between Uganda and Russia.

With Foreign Minister of Uganda Jeje Odongo in the city of Entebbe, Lavrov in the same traditional rhetoric mentioned “the implementation of joint projects in oil refining, energy, transport infrastructure and agricultural production.”

It was decided to focus on practical efforts to move the above areas of focus forward in the course of an Intergovernmental Russian-Ugandan Commission on Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation meeting in October.

Interesting to recall that during President Vladimir Putin’s meeting on December 11, 2012, President Museveni said “Moscow is a kind of Mecca for free movements in Africa. Muslims visit Mecca as a religious ritual, while Moscow is a kind of centre that helps various liberation movements.” Later in October 2019, Museveni expressed appreciation for the Africa–Russia meeting.

“It is good to say at this meeting a few areas which we could look at. Number one is defence and security. We have supported building an army by buying good Russian equipment, aircraft, tanks, and so on. We want to buy more. We have been paying cash in the past, cash, cash, cash. What I propose is that you supply and we pay. That would be some sort of supply that would make us build faster because now we pay cash like for this Sukhoi jet, we paid cash,” Museveni said during the conversation told Putin.

Lavrov displays his passion for historical references. In many of his speeches during the four-nation tour, he repeatedly stressed that it’s imperative for African leaders to support its “special military operation” in Ukraine, repeated all the Soviet assistance to Africa and the perspectives for the future of Russia-African relations. But most essentially, Lavrov has to understand that little has been achieved, both the long period before and after the first Russia-Africa summit held in October 2019.

In Ethiopia where the African Union headquarters is located, and representatives of African countries are based, Russia is vying to normalize an international order and frame-shape its geostrategic posture in this capital city.

Whether 25 of Africa’s 54 states abstained or did not vote to condemn Russia at the UN General Assembly resolution in March, Africans are overwhelmingly pragmatic. Most of them displayed neutrality, creating the basis for accepting whatever investment and development finance from the United States, the European Union, the Asian region, Russia and China, from every other region of the world.

For external players including Russia eyeing Africa, Museveni’s thought-provoking explanation of “neutrality” during the media conference re-emphasizes the best classic diplomacy of pragmatism. “We don’t believe in being enemies of somebody’s enemy,” Museveni told Lavrov. Uganda is set to assume the chairmanship of the Non-Aligned Movement, a global body created during the Cold War by countries that wanted to escape being drifted into the geopolitical and ideological rivalry between Western powers and Communists.

Lavrov, however, informed about broadening African issues in the “new version of Russia’s Foreign Policy Concept against the background of the waning of the Western direction” and his will objectively increase the share of the African direction in the work of the Foreign Ministry. Relating to the next summit, scheduled for mid-2023, “a serious package of documents that will contain almost all significant agreements” is being prepared, he said.

Lavrov with his Ethiopian counterpart Demeke Mekonnnen and the African Union leadership in Addis Ababa have agreed on additional documents paving the way to a more efficient dialogue in the area of defence sales and contracts.

Still on Ethiopia, Russia’s state-run nuclear corporation Rosatom and Ethiopia’s Ministry of Innovation and Technology signed a roadmap on cooperation in projects to build a nuclear power plant and a nuclear research centre in the republic. In addition, other bilateral issues, including joint energy and infrastructure projects, and education were discussed.

“We have good traditions in the sphere of military and technical cooperation. Today, we confirmed our readiness to implement new plans in this sphere, including taking into account the interests of our Ethiopian friends in ensuring their defensive ability,” the Russian top diplomat said.

“Russia is ready to continue providing assistance to Ethiopia in training its domestic specialists in various spheres,” he added and finally explaining that Moscow was ready to develop both bilateral humanitarian and cultural contacts and cooperation in the sphere of education with Addis Ababa.

According to Lavrov, Russia has had long-standing good relations with Africa since the days of the Soviet Union which pioneered movements that culminated in decolonization. It provided assistance to the national liberation movements and then to the restoration of independent states and the rise of their economies in Africa. An undeniable fact is that many external players have also had long-term relations and continue bolstering political, economic and social ties in the continent.

In his Op-Ed article, Lavrov argues: “We have been rebuilding our positions for many years now. The Africans are reciprocating. They are interested in having us. It is good to see that our African friends have a similar understanding with Russia.” The point is that Moscow is desirous to widen and deepen its presence in the continent. On the other hand, the Maghreb and African countries are, in terms of reciprocity, keen to strengthen relations with Moscow, but will avoid taking sides in the Russia-Ukraine crisis.

Lavrov has successfully ended his meetings and talks in Africa. Now, the basic significant issue in its current relations is still the fact that Russia has thousands of decade-old undelivered pledges and several bilateral agreements signed with individual countries in the continent, while in the previous years there has been an unprecedented huge number of “working visits” to Africa. The development of a comprehensive partnership with African countries remains among the top priorities of Russia’s foreign policy, Moscow is open to its further build-up, Lavrov said in an Op-Ed article for the African media, and originally published on the ministry’s website.

Steven Gruzd, the Head of the Russia-Africa Programme at the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), told Fox News Digital. “Africa’s leaders must realize that they might be used as props in the grand geopolitical theatre being led by these big powers.” Moscow opposes a unipolar world based only on Western interests and pursues Africa to condemn sanctions imposed against Russia.

He believes that this diplomatic jockeying risks casting African countries “as pawns in a grand chess game” and African countries have to steer clear of taking sides. However, many African countries are wary of losing Western aid and trade ties should they go all in with the Kremlin.

“They need to be very clear about the risks and rewards of these meetings”, added Gruzd. “Most do not want to have to choose between Russia and the West and will try to maintain relationships with both sides. This is definitely a Russian move to show they are not isolated, and what better way to do it than Minister Lavrov smiling and shaking hands with African presidents and foreign ministers?”

In the context of rebuilding post-Soviet relations and now attempting at creating a new model of the global order which it hopes to lead after exiting from international organizations. In order to head an emerging global order, Russia needs to be more open, and make more inroads into the civil society, rather than close (isolate) itself from “non-Western friends” during this fast-changing crucial period – in Asia, Africa and Latin America. For instance, Africa is ready as it holds huge opportunities in various sectors for reliable, genuine and committed investors. It offers a very profitable investment destination.

Despite criticisms, China has built an exemplary distinctive economic power in Africa. Besides China, Africa is largely benefitting from the European Union and Western aid flows, and economic and trade ties. Russia plays very little role in Africa’s infrastructure, agriculture and industry, and makes little effort in leveraging the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Our monitoring shows that the Russian business community hardly pays attention to the significance of AfCFTA which provides a unique and valuable platform for businesses to access an integrated African market of over 1.3 billion people.

Substantively, Russia brings little to the continent, especially in the economic sectors that badly need investment. Of course, Russia basks in restoring and regaining part of its Soviet-era influence, but has problems with planning and tackling its set tasks, a lack of confidence in fulfilling its policy targets. The most important aspect is how to make strategic efforts more practical, more consistent and more effective with African countries. Without these fundamental factors, it would therefore be an illusionary step to partnering with Africa.

Some policy experts have classified three directions for external partners dealing with Africa: (i) active engagement, (ii) sitting on the sideline and observing, and (iii) being a passive player. From all indications, African leaders have political sympathy and most often express either support or a neutral position for Russia. But at the same time, African leaders are very pragmatic, indiscriminately dealing with external players with adequate funds to invest in different economic sectors. Africa is in a globalized world. It is, generally, beneficial for Africa as it could take whatever is offered from either East or West, North or South.

In stark contrast to key global players for instance the United States, China and the European Union and many others, Russia has limitations. For Russia to regain a part of its Soviet-era influence, it has to address its own policy approach, this time shifting towards new paradigms – to implement some of the decade-old pledges and promises, and those bilateral agreements; secondly to promote development-oriented policies and how to make these strategic efforts more practical, more consistent, more effective and most admirably result-oriented with African countries.

Perhaps, reviewing or revisiting the school geography, Russia is not only by far the world’s largest country, surface-wise, but arguably also by far the wealthiest in terms of natural resources. Thus, the question is – what else could be Russia’s standing blocks in building its economic power, by investing in the needed sustainable development (not humanitarian aid), in Africa?

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Multiple Prospects of Russian-African Partnership

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Russian-African Partnership

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

In an increasingly struggle for Russia’s influence in Africa, including political, economic and humanitarian spheres, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov started 2026 with a pack of invitations for African foreign ministers, strategically as part of preliminary preparations for the next Russia-Africa summit. Armed with Russia’s policy intentions in Africa (Strategic Action Plan 2023-2026), Lavrov interacted with the same group of foreign ministers in December 2025, in Cairo, the capital of Egypt.

In pursuit of strengthening ‘political dialogue’ which features prominently, Lavrov’s high-ranking guests since the beginning of this year included the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso, Karamoko Traore, with whom several bilateral documents were signed in February. In the same month, Tanzania’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and East African Cooperation, Mahmoud Thabit Kombo, visited with a special focus on expanding cooperation in trade, economic, and investment spheres.

On January 14, the Minister of International Relations and Trade of the Republic of Namibia, Selma Ashipala-Musavyi, went on a working visit to Russia, held comprehensive discussions raising bilateral relations. Ashipala-Musavyi, who serves as Co-Chair of the Intergovernmental Russian-Namibian Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation, was received by Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation and Plenipotentiary Presidential Envoy to the Far Eastern Federal District Yury Trutnev, who heads the Russian side of the IGC. The conversation focused primarily on the substantive content of the 11th IGC meeting in Windhoek.

Firstly, Russia is one of the world’s largest grain producers. And developing the port infrastructure of the Far East and the Arctic is a potential window for supplies to African countries. Secondly, with the application of state support measures, private investors are creating new large-scale fertiliser production plants. One such enterprise is the Nakhodka Mineral Fertiliser Plant in Primorye Territory, which is scheduled to reach its design capacity in 2027.

“Namibia has rich marine resources and a strategic location. Russia has the fleet, technology and experience. Together, we could maximise catch levels and expand processing. At the same time, Russian companies strive for responsible fishing, paying close attention to marine ecology and the reproduction of key fish stocks,” Zapryagayev said at the business forum that was held in mid-March, as part of the 11th meeting of the Russian-Namibian intergovernmental commission on trade and economic cooperation.

Updated Russia-Kenya’s Experiences

On March 16, Foreign Minister Lavrov held talks with the Prime Cabinet Secretary and Cabinet Secretary for Foreign and Diaspora Affairs of the Republic of Kenya, Mudavadi, who was in Moscow on a working visit on March 15-18. There were detailed discussions on the current state and prospects for Russia–Kenya relations, while both parties outlined practical steps to strengthen political dialogue, and determine pathways for expanding mutually beneficial partnership in trade and the broad economic areas.

An engaged exchange of views resulted in signing a multitude of documents, updated policy interest in Russia’s experience in developing painstaking initiative projects in Kenya. It was described as being in the framework context of Russian foreign policy. In a speech boosting relations, Lavrov, with unrestrained rhetoric, underlined sectors such as energy, including nuclear, telecommunications, geological prospecting, mineral resources mining and high technologies, including space exploration, as promising areas.

Lavrov foresaw Russia’s delay in cooperating with Kenya and suggested speeding up preparations of the agreement on the establishment of a bilateral commission on economic cooperation, an instrument through which to implement economic projects. “We agreed today to expedite the work carried out for rather a long time thus far on preparation of the intergovernmental agreement for the establishment of the Russian-Kenyan commission for economic cooperation,” the minister said.

The visit of Kenya’s foreign minister to Moscow gives a new impetus to the political dialogue between the two parties and makes it possible to outline the path for further deepening of trade and economic relations, agreeing on further conscious efforts in the promising area of bilateral cooperation, at least, as a summary result after Lavrov’s talks with his Kenyan counterpart, Mudavadi.

For now, prospects remain on the table, as Russia shows readiness to offer partnership at a qualitatively new level with Kenya, so also with many African countries. The demand for Russian university education is high in the East African nation. Besides education and training, both Kenyan and Russian officials highly recognise the great potential for increasing trade and economic cooperation, which has not been realised yet. Plans to establish an intergovernmental commission to deal with these matters were announced during Lavrov’s visit to Kenya in 2023. The issue was brought up once again at a meeting between Georgy Karasin, the chairman of the Russian Federation Council’s Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Kathuri Murungi, the Deputy Speaker of Kenya’s Senate.

Notably, the Africa Centre for the Study of Russia (ACSOR), aimed at strengthening scientific, cultural and political ties between Russia and Kenya, opened at the University of Nairobi on February 25, according to local Russian media reports. Western-trained dominates African politics. Russia has under-leveraged its Russian-trained African professionals and specialists, compared to the extent to which the United States and China support theirs in employment structures.

Far ahead of the arrival of the Kenya delegation, Dr. Peter Mutuku Mathuki, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Kenya in the Russian Federation, told this article author that Russia’s multifaceted cooperation with Kenya has, steadily, taken on a new dimension, emphasizing the two countries look forward to concluding trade agreements under negotiation, which will open up more economic opportunities both at public and private sector levels. Kenya’s priority in the Russian Federation is to implement the objectives of our foreign policy hinged on deepening the Kenya-Russia bilateral relations across the board. However, Kenya’s economic presence in the Russian Federation is currently minimal, as manifested by a limited range of export products to the market in the Russian Federation.

Incredible Lessons from Summits

Nonetheless, before the 2019 summit, trade volume between Russia and Kenya was $397 million in 2018, compared to $625 million in 2023 and $638 million in 2024. Russia still has an opportunity to leverage the untapped potential in the continent to drive sustainable development. Investors can benefit from the diverse government incentives existing across Africa. As Africa is indiscriminately open for business, so in May 2026, Kenya will hold an investment summit for France, to position Africa as a key partner in global innovation and economic development while strengthening bilateral ties with France and advancing Africa’s collective agenda on the international stage.

Today, Russia’s engagement is largely noticeable in politics, while there is little impact on Africa’s economy, except reaping huge revenues from military and weaponry sales to African countries in persistent and endless conflicts, and raising exports of agricultural products such as grains to the continent. In addition, African leaders are excited about the emotional solidarity and harbour nostalgic Soviet-style romanticism. Over the years, African leaders’ negotiations have been one-sided, only considering Russia’s investment in Africa. Thus, until today, Africa’s economic presence is extremely low in the Russian Federation.

Policy experts and academic researchers review the current Russia-Africa relations, portraying it as a threat to Africa’s sovereignty or an opportunity to exploit resources. In the French-Speaking African countries, Russia’s agreements seek uninterrupted access to natural resources in exchange for military cooperation, maintaining security and even providing security guards to African leaders, such as in the Central African Republic (CAR). Since 2017, when Russia operated in CAR, it has hardly undertaken any infrastructure projects or invested in any productive sectors in that country, headed by Faustin-Archange Touadéra.

Russia to Study Africa’s Investment Landscape

Perhaps, and precisely, the Director of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Professor Irina Abramova, described Russia’s connectivity with Africa explicitly, in her interview with local media African Initiative in February, first pointing to the historical fact that after the collapse of the Soviet era, Russia slammed the door on Africa. She further argued that Russia’s policy is currently full of symbolism, highly-toned rhetoric and little action on implementing agreements signed with several African countries. For now, Africa opens up the broadest economic opportunities for any external player—primarily the Chinese, followed by Indians, and now players from the Arab Gulf region, who picked up this “baton” and are strategically active on the continent.

That, however, simply means Russia has to study the investment landscape. But, constantly referring to reasons such as the lack of money is an ineffective way to deal with Africa, according to Professor Abramova. She suggested to ministry officials to “discard reciting administrative rules and regulations; make way for flexibility. And finally, the most important thing is coordination.”

But in reality, if Russia had built a normal new financial mechanism, it would not have cared. In practical terms, Russia has little foresight. Russia, simply, lacks interconnectedness with Africa and with Africans. That is, elements of psychology and elements of faith are involved. And this is an absolutely new phenomenon that is spreading across the entire world.

For approximately 15 years, Professor Abramova has reiterated that Africa must be approached in a comprehensive and coordinated way. Coordination is the most important thing. First and foremost, it is people, because personnel decide everything. Africans’ attitude towards Russia is, generally, very positive. This is genuinely felt when travelling a great deal around Africa.

Focus on Security over Development

According to researched academic reports, Russia’s weak economic presence in Africa has become research topic in educational institutions, with the Federal Committee on Economic Policy, Association of Economic Cooperation with African States (AECAS) established under the auspices of the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum (RAPF) and the Coordinating Committee on Economic Cooperation with Africa, pointing to conditions of pressure from sanctions imposed by United States. Finding excuses to cover policy weaknesses. This sole reason has prominently featured in official reports since the start of the Russia-Ukraine crisis in late February 2022. With renewed rising interests in Africa, experts also cited Russia’s weak structures in establishing effective ways of entry into the huge continent full of opportunities.

Russia has only 1% of its direct investment, due to limited financial resources, a lack of investment mechanisms, and severe competition from Chinese and Western investors. Russia focuses on arms and the export of grains to generate revenue for its budget. While Russia has forgotten billions, over 30 years ago, in Soviet-era debts to foster goodwill, this often links to new arms deals, which do not absolutely build diversified, sustainable economic integration in Africa.

Against the backdrop of intensifying relations with Africa, the percentage of collective influence (politics, economy and social, combined) varies: China holds 65%, the US – 53%, the EU – 49%, India – 38% and Russia – 29%. Trade with Africa also varies largely: China has now offered zero-tariff treatment to 52 African countries, and its trade has already reached $348 billion in 2025. India has $58 billion, and the United States has extended its AGOA agreement with Africa. Russia has nothing; at least the trade preferences that were promised over the years have remained meaningless for Africa.

A Few Significant Steps Forward

In this analysis, Russia and Africa have historically come a long way. One significant step forward is to seriously prioritise its policy architecture and turn over a new page in the history of mutually beneficial cooperation, with special attention on the development of corporate business, technology and agro-industrial complex. It has placed concrete emphasis on the importance of the active participation of Russian companies in the implementation of infrastructure projects on the African continent. Building modern distribution centres, developing port complexes and organising joint logistics solutions will be key areas of cooperation.

These ambitious steps will allow us to strengthen Russia’s ultimate position on the market, further outlining practical measures to boost dialogue in economic, trade and other fields, and to establish stable economic relations with African countries. Together, Russia will be able to realise the potential of both regions and ensure the prosperity of Africa and its people.

For multilateralism, and what Foreign Minister Lavrov has frequently mentioned, in the framework of multipolar architecture, Africa has to, without discrimination, interact and hold regular meetings with any external states it seriously considers important for its development. In practical terms, Russia has to demonstrate its preparedness to engage Africa. One fact is clear—Africa, as of today, remains a critical arena for key global powers, balancing the great-power competition and rivalry. African leaders are prepared for this so long as these players truly have adequate funds to invest, not just political rhetoric and a show of symbolism. In a continental context, that is broadly referred to as Africa’s Agenda 2063.

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Online African Women Conference: From Adaptation in Russia to Issues of Health and Spirituality

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Online African Women Conference

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Women, generally, are fighting for their own empowerment in society. Gender equality dominates their activities, flexing their feminine muscles for higher positions, with men, in diverse professional aspects, including politics and entrepreneurial spheres of activity.

Such consistent struggle was backed by a collective declaration, worldwide observing March 8 as International Women’s Day. Until today, March 8 commemorates women’s fight for equality and liberation along with the women’s rights movement. In addition, the March 8 celebration focuses on issues such as gender equality, reproductive rights, and violence and abuse against women.

On the eve of March 8, the Cameroonian Diaspora (Diaspocam) and the “African Business Club” together with Russian women’s organisations, held a special online conference under the theme: “How to Succeed as a Woman in Russia”, which brought together over a hundred participants from different regions, including Africa.

The discussion was dedicated to the challenges of adaptation, career prospects, health, and spiritual security of a fast-growing number of young African women living in the Russian Federation. The conference was moderated by Louis Gouend, a specialist in business communications between Russia and Africa, President of the African Business Club, and an expert of the Council of Russia-Africa Cooperation under the State Duma, lower chamber of Russian legislators.

Louis Gouend congratulated the women participants while extending to them good health, wisdom, and new achievements. The main goal of the conference was to create a space of trust and exchange views on the full spectrum of women’s multidisciplinary approach to questions.

On adaptation and legislation: Alina Andrukh, Director of the International Department, spoke on the topic “Global Adaptation of Foreign Citizens in Russia.” She thoroughly examined educational trajectories for women, employment opportunities, and new legislative realities that foreign women need to consider when building a career in the Russian Federation.

The speaker further placed special emphasis on how to avoid getting into trouble, complying with Russian laws, and protecting one’s rights.

Health Without Barriers and Support Centres: One of the most anticipated speeches was given by Ekaterina Glok, a midwife by profession. In her presentation on “The Health of an African Woman in Russia,” she touched upon the delicate topics of reproductive and sexual health. The expert gave practical advice on how to overcome the language barrier and shyness when visiting a gynaecologist, and explained the specifics of the Russian healthcare system for foreign patients.

Ekaterina, however, reminded the women of the importance of regular medical check-ups: visiting a doctor, at least, once a year is necessary even in the absence of complaints. She informed the participants about the existence of support centres for women and single mothers, where they can turn to in difficult life situations. Additionally, the speaker announced her upcoming working missions in the Republic of Cameroon, planned for May 2026, and gave many practical tips on maintaining women’s health.

Social and Cultural Challenges – Warning About Dangers: An important block of questions concerning safety and conscious motherhood was highlighted by Mme Zima épouse Ndong Toung Celestine Charlotte, Cultural Advisor at the Embassy of Cameroon. She had a frank conversation, warning the girls about scammers and dishonest individuals offering attractive working conditions, behind which often lie indecent earnings and dangerous situations.

The Advisor reminded that for those who came to Russia to study, education should remain their main priority. She urged lady students to be vigilant, not to give in to dubious offers, and to postpone questions of pregnancy and starting a family to a later period, after completing their studies. She touched upon the legal and moral aspects of unwanted pregnancy, calling on the girls to engage in conscious life planning.

Economic Independence and Earning Opportunities: Luciana Tchami, a member of the executive bureau of Diaspocam, a non-profit social organisation, presented a report on “Women’s Capabilities: Professions and Part-Time Jobs for Young Women in Russia.” She gave examples of successful strategies for earning money and building a career within the conditions of the Russian labour market that are accessible to foreign students and young professionals.

The speaker detailed specific areas of work: young women can take short-term training courses and work in beauty salons (manicure, pedicure); many cafes and restaurants offer convenient part-time jobs. Luciana also mentioned specialised websites with attractive conditions for job seekers and opportunities for remote work: becoming a freelancer and helping with tasks online, for online stores, and in other areas.

Spiritual Support: A Reminder of a Woman’s Value. The conference concluded with Pastor Gustave Mbeng, responsible for charity at Diaspocam. His prayer-speech was dedicated to women’s rights and spiritual awakening. As a pastor, Mbeng reminded the participants that woman is the last and most ideal creation of God, perfect in all parameters of the universe. He emphasised that women are more beautiful and harmonious than men, and urged the girls to take care of themselves and not to distance themselves from God, so that there would be fewer difficulties and questions in life.

Pastor Gustave further paid special attention to the theme of preserving life. He took a stand against abortion, reminding that every child is a creation of God, and in the eyes of the Almighty, there is no such concept as abortion. If pregnancy does occur, it is important to preserve the child’s life and trust in God’s providence.

Technical organisation, moderation, translation and coordination of the conference were provided by Iness Zengue Abeng, President of the Association of International Students “Russia-Africa,” and Belle-Grâce Euphrasie, Dean, who acted as interpreter during the online event.

Conclusion and Future Plans: At the end, Louis Gouend extended gratitude to all participants, speakers, and presenters for the warm and trusting atmosphere.

The conference was held in an open dialogue format on the”Yandex Telemost” platform, which allowed women from different parts of Russia to ask questions live and receive moral support. Following the meeting, the organisers decided to hold such an online gathering, including organising a series of meetings not only for women but also for foreigners living in Russia.

The topics of future conferences will aim at education, open discussions, and debate on issues important for Africans in the Russian Federation: knowing one’s rights, being able to avoid unpleasant situations, behaving correctly in difficult life circumstances, and preserving cultural and spiritual identity.

Until now, prejudice and reactionary attitudes have denied full-fledged civic rights to millions of women, who are considered as workers, mothers, family partners, and citizens worldwide. Nevertheless, International Women’s Day, with its chequered history, is a public holiday in several countries. The United Nations observes the holiday in connection with a particular issue, campaign, or theme in women’s rights across the world.

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Beijing Readies to Hand Over New ECOWAS Building Complex

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China-financed ECOWAS Building Complex Abuja

By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

Beijing’s decades-long policy decision to expand Chinese presence in Africa has, largely, transcended into gifting buildings. The African Union and Africa’s CDC to Zimbabwe’s parliamentary village, Ghana’s Foreign Ministry headquarters, and Egypt’s sports stadium, among many others, are classic examples. Following all these, China will hand over the new headquarters of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in mid-March 2026.

Since the turn of the 21st century, China has risen to become Africa’s geopolitical partner, addressing concrete infrastructural projects across the continent. As is well-known, Beijing does so, with the sole aim of spending thousands of dollars to gain strategic control of the continent’s critical resources.

In an official news release, the regional bloc’s president, Dr Omar Alieu Touray, said that the new headquarters complex in Abuja, Nigeria, which will house the Commission, Parliament, and Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), will be operational in March 2026.

Built on a 7-hectare site along the road to Abuja airport, the building is currently completed. Known as the ‘Eye of West Africa,’ the new ECOWAS headquarters complex is entirely funded and built by the People’s Republic of China through the China International Development Cooperation Agency (China Aid).

It is a modern and functional administrative building, designed to meet the needs of the West African organisation. It will provide services to create a favourable working environment for the community’s staff members. The new complex comprises a main administrative building with three restaurants/cafeterias, banking rooms, a crèche, a gym, and three blocks containing 899 workstations: block A (central) has 11 floors, and blocks B and C have eight floors each.

It also includes a multipurpose building with security facilities, shops, a water tank, and archive rooms, as well as car parks with a total capacity of 702 parking spaces, a 720-seat auditorium, two committee rooms, a conference room, an equipment room, guard posts, and a helipad.

The new ECOWAS headquarters complex is seen as a symbol of the strengthening cooperation between China and the regional organisation. It is part of a technical and institutional partnership aimed at further supporting ECOWAS’ operational capacities, as well as part of ongoing cooperation between the two parties.

Accordingly, the headquarters complex will enable greater operational efficiency, reduced costs, and increased staff productivity. ECOWAS has expressed deep gratitude and sincere appreciation to China for its commitment and support to the regional organisation through the construction, seen as a ‘symbol of Beijing’s steadfast commitment to West African integration.’

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