Feature/OPED
Buhari and Appointees: The Consequence of Actions

By Omoshola Deji
Just as you and I can’t detach from our bloods because of their imperfections, President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) has lethargically handled the insubordination and incompetence of his appointees as if their surname is Buhari. Bit by bit, this inertness to discipline is concreting public doubts in PMB’s ability to navigate Nigeria’s sinking ship to the treasure-island of ‘change’.
This piece is of dual significance. First, it fills a crucial lacuna in the Nigerian political analysis. You may have observed that media reports, articles, protest speeches and opinion statements have largely ignored the consequence of Buhari’s appointees’ action on Buhari.
Ad infinitum, the appointees orate their allegiance, while most of their actions have been returning ruins to the president. What are the aftereffects?
Second in significance, this piece transcends politics to mirror our lives. It is a political surgery to unstitch how our actions bring unintended detrimental consequence to our nearest and dearest, even though we genuinely love them and sincerely wished no harm.
Not discounting the need to clarify, appointees connote anyone appointed by PMB. This includes, but not limited to the ministers, security chiefs, ambassadors and the heads of government agencies.
Please endeavour to read this piece as I will be untwisting twists, connecting the-political-dots-of-truth and capping my analysis with a political philosophy on leadership and governance. Don’t miss it!
Piloting Nigeria is herculean and PMB must delegate duties. The four months post-inauguration delay to make crucial appointments infuriated Nigerians as PMB claimed he is scouting for experience, competent, non-corrupt and dedicated persons.
After the long wait, some of his appointees turned out to be people of questionable character and the most vital appointments were allocated to individuals from northern extraction.
Clearly, PMB’s appointees are products of political patronage, political recommendation, personal affiliation and popular commendation.
One of the appointees who fell under PMB’s grace is Ibrahim Magu, the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). However, the Senate’s rejection of Magu as EFCC Chairman validates the existence of an antagonistic cabal in the presidency. Anyone exonerating the presidency and castigating the Senate on Magu is unobserving and soppy. Before heads roll in an anti-corruption focused government, liaising with the national-assembly to confirm the nomination of the EFCC chairman must be first accomplished.
Unfortunately, PMB crushed Magu by allowing him act for too long. During this period, Magu has stepped on some powerful toes in the presidency and has sown the prison garment of some senators, politicians and shady businessmen.
This array of persons considered Magu’s confirmation an abomination. Pathetic, the DSS – an agency under PMB – helped the Senate nail Magu by submitting and resubmitting damning reports against him, even when PMB have cleared him of the corruption allegations.
Please bear in mind that a mutinous act is weighty enough to award you an instant execution under Kim Jong-un of North-Korea.
Regardless of the DSS intents and purposes, their mutiny immensely diminished PMB’s reputation to the lowest low and further affirmed Aisha’s (wife of the president) outburst that her husband’s government has been hijacked by the principal officers and outsiders.
To salvage the situation, Nigerians clamoured that PMB should dig up the roots of conspiracy and insubordination by sacking those culpable or at least make some restructuring.
Sullenly, the president has been out of earshot and his actions lethargic. The consequence of this is for Nigerians to label him weak, incompetent and indecisive.
Without a doubt, the supremacy battle between the Senate and the Nigerian Customs Comptroller-General, Hameed Ali, is one out of the many issues straining the executive’s relationship with the legislature, especially the Senate.
The face-off began when Ali proposed a nationwide clampdown on automobiles that have evaded the payment of customs duty. Ali was appointed to head Customs in 2015. Grading two years, Ali’s accomplishment is remarkable, but the retired military colonel refused to wear the Customs uniform, being the outfit of a para-military agency.
The Senate roared and insisted Ali must appear before her in uniform. Vast in ability but limited in capacity, it is ultra-vires for me to decide the legality or illegality of Ali’s choice of outfit. Be that as it may, I have a testimony!
I appreciated Ali’s handling of Customs when I met a Nigerian business man abroad. The man, from Northern extraction, had a personal relationship with Ali and proved this by showing me photos they took together.
To my surprise, the man complained bitterly about how the uncompromising nature of Ali is affecting his profit. The man had sought Ali’s intervention for a reduction in customs duty, but Ali turned down his request and insisted that appropriate duty be paid. Based on this testimony with proof, Ali won my admiration instantly! However, the planned clampdown on automobiles made Ali lose a bit of my admiration.
Acting arrogant and that his inappropriate actions could set people against the government made Ali lose my admiration further. At a time when the president is battling with health issues and struggling to convince Nigeria that he is alive, able and capable to continue as president, what is needed is not an anti-masses policy that will frustrate the anger of the citizens. Ali failed to study national mood. Recall that GEJ and PMB removed fuel subsidy, but the nationwide reaction was different. At a time when recession is biting hard on the populace, food prices skyrocketing, Naira depreciating and businesses collapsing, one of the easiest ways to get people revolt against the government is the implementation of an obnoxious auto clampdown policy. Again, Ali, an appointee, carelessly fails to consider the consequence of his action on PMB.
Another worthy instance is when the Minister of Transport, Rotimi Amaechi, tried to halt the take-off of the Nigerian Maritime University (NMU) in Okerenkoko, Delta State.
In a region where the nation generates her main income and the populace are hostile to government, Amaechi should not be igniting fire, but doing all he can to increase affection for PMB and creating a political soft-landing for APC in 2019.
If not for the wisdom of the Minister of State for Petroleum, Ibe Kachukwu, who immediately declared support for the NMU project, Ameachi had unintentionally, but successfully fertilized animosity between PMB and the Niger-Delta. Hostility triggering acts does not end with Amaechi.
Under a president that relegated ethnics and others trying to secede have tagged ethnocentric, the Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Idris, failed to negate the arrest of only Yoruba natives after the Ile-Ife clash between the Yoruba and the Hausa-Fulani.
In truth, no one would have clamoured if more Yoruba’s were arrested, but to exonerate the Hausa-Fulani’s and attempt to prosecute only the Yoruba’s is one of the best ways to declare PMB persona-non-grata in the Southwest.
The Southeast and South-south are largely not admirers of PMB. If the Southwest also becomes hostile, what will be the fate of PMB’s political fortune or that of his anointed successor?
Palpably, many lives and properties would have been saved if the police handling of the Ile-Ife crisis is replicated in Southern Kaduna and Benue. Are the Fulani herdsmen under immunity? Why didn’t they carry out their black acts when PMB was on medical vacation abroad?
Indeed, salt spilled on injury when PMB’s men, Abba Kyari and Babachir Lawal, ignored consequence and got themselves embroiled in the MTN bribe and invasive-plant-species corruption scandals respectively.
Also, Professor Sagay would not consider the implication of making uncouth statements on PMB’s relationship with the Senate. That’s not enough! Sagay would further display confidence by tongue-lashing anyone who dares to caution him, including the ruling All Progressives congress (APC). A right man with the wrong team, PMB’s main problem is his appointees.
Discipleship also worsens the situation. Rather than utilize their talents in the Gulder Ultimate Search, the Buhari fanatics have embarked on a no-reward mission trying to find justifications for why an ex-military head coddles insubordination and incompetence, especially when it erodes his reputation, support and political strength.
It is sad that most Nigerians are yet to rise above ethno-religious and political sentiments. Unfortunately, most of these sentimental souls are the ones in dire need of PMB’s ‘change’. My support for PMB is indeed conditional. It is conditioned on him conditioning an equitable, developed and secured Nigeria. Let’s connect the political dots-of-truth.
If you are a devotee of Buharism – ardent supporters of anything Buhari – you are a genuine ‘change’ disciple if you not only applaud PMB’s strides, but also rise above sentiments to embrace steps that will make him perfect his imperfections.
Deceive yourself no further! If you are not part of PMB’s immediate family, all you can benefit from is a better Nigeria.
To those who never want to hear “Bu” not to talk of “Hari”, whether you like it or not, so long as you are a Nigerian, Buhari is your president, at least till 2019. Therefore, if your paramount interest is a better Nigeria, you need sheathe your sword and support anything that will ensure PMB succeeds in fixing Nigeria.
To the opposition parties, adopting calumny tactics to destabilize government is also to your disadvantage. You surely wish to take over something meaningful. You want to consolidate something, not nothing!
To PMB, this is a wake-up call to perfect his imperfections and be cautious of his place in history. Does history matter at all? Why must PMB not allow the insubordination, incompetence and shenanigans of his appointees ruin his administration? Let’s explore this simple interpretation of an ancient political philosophy on leadership and governance (read slowly to grasp).
Who builds the society? History books have the names of Kings as the ones who built the society. Are the Kings really the ones that built the society? The Kings were not seen ‘carrying bricks’ to build the socieeetyyyy! The King’s slaves and aides were the ones who carried bricks, toiling day and night, in the rain and sunshine, to build the society. Why should the history books not be filled with the names of this real builder of the society?
No! The history books can’t have any name except that of the Kings. The King’s initiated the vision on how to best build the society. This vision was only executed by the King’s tool – the slaves and aides. When the society was being built, the Kings were not sleeeeeping or making meeeeerrrry! They ordered and oversaw the building of the society. The Kings’ proper utilization of their tools led to the success of the building of the society. If the building of the society had failed, the history books would document no one as a failure other than the Kings.
Omoshola Deji is a political and public affairs analyst. He wrote in via [email protected]
Feature/OPED
AI, IoT and the New IT Agenda for Nigeria’s Growth
By Fola Baderin
By 2030, more than 25 billion devices are expected to be connected worldwide, each one a potential gateway for both innovation and risk. Already, 87% of companies identify AI as a top business priority, and over 76% are actively using AI in their operations. These numbers reflect a profound shift: technology is no longer a backstage support act but a strategic force shaping economies, societies, and everyday life.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Internet of Things (IoT) sit at the heart of this transformation. Together, they are redefining how decisions are made, how risks are managed, and how value is created across industries. From hospitals monitoring patients in real time to banks using predictive analytics to stop fraud before it happens, AI and IoT are moving from abstract concepts to everyday business tools.
Yet this expansion comes with complexity. As organisations embrace cloud platforms, remote work, and IoT‑enabled systems, their digital footprints grow larger, and so do the threats. Cybersecurity has become a frontline issue, no longer a technical afterthought but a pillar of resilience and trust.
The role of IT has changed dramatically. Once focused on maintenance and uptime, IT teams now sit at the centre of strategy and risk management. Cloud‑first architectures and interconnected networks have introduced new vulnerabilities, forcing IT leaders to act not just as problem‑solvers but as proactive partners in innovation.
AI is proving indispensable in this new environment. It can analyse vast datasets, detect anomalies, and automate responses at machine speed, capabilities that traditional approaches simply cannot match. Combined with IoT, AI delivers real‑time visibility across connected devices, enabling predictive maintenance, intelligent monitoring, and faster decision‑making. These are not abstract benefits; they are the difference between preventing a cyberattack in seconds or suffering a costly breach.
But the story is not only about opportunity. The rapid adoption of AI and IoT raises pressing questions about ethics, privacy, and governance. Automated decision‑making must be transparent, accountable, and fair. Organisations also face a widening skills gap, as demand for professionals who can responsibly manage advanced technologies outpaces supply.
Striking the right balance between innovation and control is essential. Security‑by‑design principles, strong governance frameworks, and continuous risk assessment are no longer optional extras. They are the foundation for trust in a digital economy.
Looking ahead, IT will continue to evolve as AI and IoT become embedded in everyday operations. Success depends not only on adopting advanced technologies, but on aligning them with business goals, regulations, and culture.
For Nigeria, this transformation is both a challenge and an opportunity. With its vibrant fintech sector, growing digital economy, and youthful workforce, the country is well‑placed to harness AI and IoT for growth. Lagos alone hosts hundreds of startups experimenting with AI‑driven financial services, while smart city initiatives in Abuja and other urban centres are exploring IoT for traffic management, energy efficiency, and public safety.
At the same time, Nigeria faces unique vulnerabilities. The country has one of the fastest‑growing internet populations in Africa, but also one of the most targeted by cybercriminals. Reports suggest that Africa loses over $4 billion annually to cybercrime, with Nigeria accounting for a significant share. As more devices and systems come online, the stakes will only rise.
Government policy will play a decisive role. Nigeria’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020–2030) already highlights AI and IoT as critical enablers of growth. But translating policy into practice requires investment in infrastructure, stronger regulatory frameworks, and public‑private collaboration. Without these, the promise of AI and IoT could be undermined by weak security and poor governance.
Education and skills development are equally vital. Nigeria’s youthful population which is over 60% under the age of 25 represents a massive opportunity if properly trained. Universities and technical institutes must integrate AI, cybersecurity, and IoT into their curricula, while businesses should invest in continuous upskilling. Otherwise, the skills gap will widen, leaving organisations vulnerable and innovation stunted.
Ethics and trust must also remain central. Nigerians are increasingly aware of data privacy concerns, from mobile banking to health records. Embedding transparency and accountability into AI systems will be critical for public acceptance. Leaders must ensure that innovation does not come at the cost of fairness or human rights.
Real‑world examples already show the potential. Nigerian hospitals are beginning to explore AI‑enabled diagnostic tools, while logistics companies use IoT to track deliveries in real time. These innovations demonstrate how technology can improve lives and strengthen businesses, but they also highlight the need for robust safeguards.
Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will be shaped not only by technology but by leadership. IT leaders, policymakers, and entrepreneurs who embrace AI and IoT responsibly with a clear focus on security, ethics, and long‑term value creation. This will be best positioned to navigate an increasingly complex threat landscape. The question is no longer whether to adopt these technologies, but how to do so in a way that builds resilience, trust, and sustainable growth for Nigeria’s digital economy.
Fola Baderin is a cybersecurity consultant and AI advocate focused on shaping Nigeria’s digital future
Feature/OPED
NNPC’s $1.42bn, N5.57trn Debt Write-Off and Test of Nigeria’s Fiscal Governance
By Blaise Udunze
When the federal government approved the write-off of about $1.42 billion and N5.57 trillion in legacy debts owed by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd) to the Federation Account, it was rightly described as a landmark decision. After years of disputes, reconciliations, and contested figures, Nigeria’s most important revenue institution was, at least on paper, given a cleaner slate.
The approval, contained in a report prepared by the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and presented at the last year November meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), effectively wiped out 96 percent of NNPC’s dollar-denominated obligations and 88 percent of its naira liabilities accumulated up to December 31, 2024. It resolved long-standing balances arising from crude oil liftings, joint venture royalties, production-sharing contracts, and related arrangements.
Judging it critically, the decision carries both promise and peril, but can be viewed from the perspective of a country desperate to restore confidence in public finance management. It offers an opportunity to reset relationships, clean up accounting records, and move forward under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Yet, it also exposes deep structural weaknesses in Nigeria’s oil revenue governance, weaknesses that, if left unaddressed, could turn today’s debt relief into tomorrow’s fiscal regret.
Context matters. The debt write-off comes not during a period of revenue abundance, but at a time when Nigeria’s upstream revenue performance is under severe strain. According to the same NUPRC document, the commission missed its approved monthly revenue target for November 2025 by N544.76 billion, collecting only N660.04 billion against a projected N1.204 trillion.
Royalty receipts, the backbone of upstream revenue, tell an even starker story. It is alarming that against an approved monthly royalty projection of N1.144 trillion, only N605.26 billion was collected, leaving a shortfall of N538.92 billion. Cumulatively, by the end of November 2025, the revenue gap stood at N5.65 trillion, with royalty collections alone falling short by N5.63 trillion. These figures underscore how fragile Nigeria’s fiscal position remains, even as trillions of naira in historical obligations are being written off.
To be fair, the debts forgiven were not incurred overnight. They are the product of years of disputed remittances, lacking transparent accounting practices, and overlapping institutional roles, particularly under the pre-PIA regime. As petroleum economist Prof. Wumi Iledare has repeatedly observed, the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation combined regulatory, commercial, and operational functions, making revenue reconciliation cumbersome and frequently contested.
That legacy continues to haunt the system, as witnessed with the ongoing dispute between NNPC Ltd and Periscope Consulting, the audit firm engaged by the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, over an alleged $42.37 billion under-remittance between 2011 and 2017, which illustrates how unresolved the past remains. Though NNPC insists all revenues were properly accounted for as claimed, Periscope maintains that significant gaps persist, forcing FAAC to mandate yet another reconciliation exercise. This recurring pattern of audits, counterclaims, and stalemates has weakened trust in the federation revenue system and eroded confidence among states that depend on oil proceeds for survival.
Crucially, the debt write-off does not mean NNPC has turned a corner financially. Statutory obligations incurred between January and October 2025 remain on the books, amounting to about $56.8 million and N1.02 trillion. Although part of the dollar component was recovered during the period under review, the accumulation of new liabilities so soon after reconciliation raises uncomfortable questions about whether old habits are being replaced with genuine fiscal discipline.
More troubling still is what NNPC’s own audited financial statements reveal about its internal financial health. Despite recording a profit after tax of N5.4 trillion on revenues of N45.1 trillion in 2024, the company’s inter-company debts ballooned to N30.3 trillion, representing a 70 per cent increase within a single year. This is not debt owed to external creditors but largely obligations between NNPC and its subsidiaries, effectively the company owing itself.
Records show that of 32 subsidiaries, only eight are debt-free, and the rest, particularly the refineries, trading arms, and gas infrastructure units, remain heavily indebted to the parent company. There was a recurring cycle where profitable units subsidise chronically underperforming ones, and accountability steadily erodes because cash that should fund maintenance, expansion, and efficiency improvements is instead trapped in internal receivables.
The refineries offer a stark illustration whereby the Port Harcourt Refining Company alone owed N4.22 trillion in 2024, more than double its 2023 figure, while Kaduna and Warri refineries followed closely, with debts of N2.39 trillion and N2.06 trillion respectively. Despite the repeated failed turnaround maintenance with many years of rehabilitation spending, none have operated sustainably at commercially viable levels. Their continued dependence on financial support from the parent company highlights the cost of postponing difficult restructuring decisions.
And, for this reason, international observers have long warned about these structural weaknesses. One of the critics, the World Bank, has repeatedly flagged NNPC as a major source of revenue leakages. It further noted that the persistent gaps between reported earnings and actual remittances to the Federation Account. Even after the removal of petrol subsidies, the bank observed that NNPC remitted only about 50 per cent of the revenue gains, using the rest to offset past arrears. Such practices, while perhaps defensible in internal cash management terms, undermine fiscal transparency and weaken Nigeria’s macroeconomic credibility.
This is why the central issue is not the debt write-off itself, but what follows it because debt forgiveness is not reform. Without firm safeguards, it risks entrenching the very behaviours that created the problem in the first place. As Prof. Omowumi Iledare has warned, the scale and pace of the inter-company debt build-up represent a governance test rather than a mere accounting anomaly. Allowing subsidiaries to operate indefinitely without settling obligations is incompatible with the idea of a commercially driven national oil company.
The fact remains that if NNPC wants to function as a true commercial holding company under the PIA, it must enforce strict settlement timelines, restructure or divest non-viable subsidiaries, while clearly separating legacy debts from new obligations. With this, it holds subsidiary leadership accountable for cash flow and profitability. Independent, real-time audits and transparent reporting must become routine features of governance, not emergency responses triggered by controversy.
There is also a broader national implication. At a time when Nigerians are being asked to accept higher taxes, reduced subsidies, and fiscal tightening, large-scale debt write-offs without visible accountability risk undermining the legitimacy of the entire revenue system. Citizens cannot be expected to bear heavier burdens while systemic inefficiencies in the country’s most strategic sector persist.
Of a truth, the cancellation of NNPC’s legacy debts could mark a turning point in Nigeria’s fiscal governance, but only if it is not treated as its conclusion but the beginning of reform.
If discipline, transparency, and commercial accountability follow, the decision may yet help reposition NNPC as a profitable, credible, and PIA-compliant institution. If not, today’s clean slate will simply defer the reckoning until the next reconciliation, the next audit dispute, and the next fiscal crisis.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
Feature/OPED
Taxation Without Representation
By Dr Austin Orette
The grandiosity of Nigerians when they discuss events and situations can be very funny. If the leaders use this kind of creativity in proffering solutions, we may be able to solve some of the problems that plague Nigeria perennially.
There seems to be a sublime affectation for new lingos when the system is being set to punish Nigerians. It is a kind of Orwellian speak.
Recently, there was no electricity throughout the country. The usual culprit and government spoke; people came out to tell us the power failure was due to the collapse of the National grid. Does it really matter what is collapsing? This is just an attempt by some government bureaucrats to sound intelligent.
Intelligence is becoming a borrowed commodity from the IMF or World Bank. What does it mean when you tell Nigerians that the national grid collapsed? Is that supposed to be a reassurance, or it is said to give the assurance that they know something about the anemic electricity, and we should get used to the darkness. This is a language that is vague and beckons the consumer to stop complaining. Does that statement mean anything to Nigerians who pay bills and don’t see the electricity they paid for? If they see it, it comes with an irregular voltage that destroys their newly purchased appliances. Just tell or stay quiet like in the past.
Telling us that a grid collapse is a lie. We have no national grid. Do these people know how silly their language sounds? Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts of electricity for a population of 200 million people. How do you permutate this to give constant electricity to 200 million people? It is an insult to call this low output a national grid. What is so national about using a generator to supply electricity to 200 million people? It is simple mathematics. If you calculate this to the minute, it should not surprise you that every Nigerian will receive electricity for the duration of the blink of an eye. They are paying for total darkness, and someone is telling them they have an electricity grid.
If you can call the 10,000-megawatt national grid collapsed, it means you don’t have the mind set to solve the electricity problem in Nigeria.
To put it in perspective is to understand the basic fact that the electrical output of Nigeria is pre-industrial. Without acknowledging this fact, we will never find solutions as every mediocre will come and confuse Nigeria with lingos that make them sound important.
It is very shameful for those in the know to always use grandiose language to obfuscate the real issues.
South Africa with a population of sixty million produces about 200,000 megawatts of electricity daily. Nigeria produces less than 10,000 megawatts. Why South Africa makes it easy to lift the poor from poverty, Nigeria is trying to tax the poor into poverty.
The architects of the new tax plan saw the poor as rich because they could afford a generator.
A non-existent subsidy was removed, and the price of fuel went through the roof. Now the government says they are rich. What will they get in return for this tax extraction? Why do successive Nigerian governments always think the best way to develop Nigeria is to slap the poor into poverty? What are the avenues for upward mobility when youth corps members are suddenly seen as rich taxpayers? Do these people know how difficult it is to start a business in Nigeria?
After all the rigmarole from Abuja to my village, I cannot get a government certificate without a-shake down from government bureaucrats and area boys. The government that is so unfriendly to business wants to tax my non-existing businesses. Are these people in their right state of mind? Why do they think that taxing the poor is their best revenue plan? A plan like this can only come from a group of people who have no inkling of what Nigerians are going through. People can’t eat and the government is asking them to share their meager rations with potbellied people in Abuja.
Teach the people how to fish, then you can share in their harvest. If an individual does what the government is doing to Nigerians, it will be called robbery, and the individual will be in prison. When the government taxes people, there is a reciprocal exchange. What is being done in Nigeria does not represent fair exchange.
Nigerians have never gotten anything good from their government except individual wealth that is doled out in Abuja for the selected few.
The question is, will Nigerians have a good electricity supply? NO. Will they have security of persons and properties? No. Will they have improved health care? NO. Will there be good roads? No. Will they have good schools and good education? No.
Taxation is not good governance. A policy like this should never be rushed without adequate studies. Once again, our legislators have let us down. They have never shown the people the reason they were elected and to be re-elected. They are not playing their roles as the watchdog and representatives of the people. Anyone who voted for this tax bill deserves to lose their positions as Senators and Members of the House of Representatives.
We are not in a military regime anymore. Nigerians must start learning how to exercise their franchise. This taxation issue must be litigated at the ballot box. The members of the National Assembly have shown by their assent that they don’t represent the people.
In a normal democracy, taxation without representation should never be tolerated. They must be voted out of office. We have a responsibility and duty to use our voting power to fight unjust laws. Taxation without representation is unjust. Those voted into power will never respect the citizens until the citizens learn to punish errant politicians by voting them out of office. This responsibility is sacred and must be exercised with diligence.
Dr Austin Orette writes from Houston, Texas
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