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Deconstructing the Reintroduced National Water Resources Bill

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water resources bill

By Jerome-Mario Chijioke Utomi

There is no doubt anymore that in Nigeria’s leadership corridor, once a direction is chosen, instead of examining the process meticulously and setting the right course; one that will allow us to overcome storm and reach safety before we can progress and achieve our goals, we obstinately persist with the execution of such plans regardless of a minor or major shift in circumstance.

An eloquent example of the above assertion is the controversial water resources bill recently reintroduced in the House of Representatives and sponsored by the Chairman of the House Committee on Water Resources, Sada Soli (APC, Katsina).

The bill, which was first introduced in the 8th Assembly, caused outrage then as some Nigerians interpreted the proposed law as a power grab by the federal government.

Aside from this federal government’s habit of tackling challenges with the same thinking used when it was created and, “doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result,” what is uncertain to the vast majority of Nigerians and of course, the watching world, is; why this sudden move after two previous failed attempts? What has changed to necessitate the present re-introduction? Whose interest is the bill, if passed, meant to serve/protect? And most importantly, whether it will herald into our political geography a just or an unjust law?

As we are now, a just law is ‘a man-made code that squares with moral laws or the laws and uplifts human personalities, while an unjust law on the other hand is a code that is out of harmony with moral laws.’

Adding context to this discourse, the Bill which first emanated from the Executive arm and, among other things seeks: to establish a regulatory framework for the water resources sector in Nigeria, provide for the equitable and sustainable development management, use and conservation of Nigeria’s surface water, groundwater resources and for related matters.’ Arguably noble but following the controversy and worries already raised, it becomes a moral duty for all to collectively and objectively takes a disciplined look at it in order to –adjust, adapt, incorporate or otherwise.

Essentially, the most telling evidence about the bill’s good intention is signposted in the federal government’s resolve to promote judicious management of the nation’s water resources in addition to the possibility of the bill if passed, acting as an enabler to the nation’s attainment/achievement of the orchestrated Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as preached by the United Nations (UN). But somewhere along the line lies a set of inherent challenges/consequences arising from its nature, impact, and strategy- a feat that has since mirrored the entire document (bill) as a body without a soul.

Going by the content of the bill, it is easy to situate that the greatest ill associated with it lies in its tendency to disenfranchise, and separate Nigerians from ancestral ownership of their water rights and handover the same to a set of federal technocrats by confusing Nigerians with the fallacy that “ownership rights to water is the same as water use rights.”

Also working against the bill is the accompanying belief by Nigerians with critical interest that the urge to have the bill passed is driven not by love for having the nation’s water resources judiciously managed or for the nation to develop agriculturally as claimed by the lawmakers, but by sectional and parochial interests such that some pro bill senators are using barefaced inaccuracies to mislead the Senate and drum up support for the bill.

For example, during the time of the 8th Assembly when the bill was first introduced, it has been claimed on the floor of the Senate that the World Bank is waiting on passage of the bill into law to “grant” trillions of naira to develop Nigeria’s irrigation infrastructure. This cannot be further from the truth. The World Bank would never and cannot ask a nation to deprive its citizens of their inherited and cultural rights to water as a condition for granting loans. Another obstacle that confirms the bill as plagued, however, seems not to raise so much dust but could be costly in economic and political terms if ignored, is the asymmetrical support structure given to the bill. It is barefaced that virtually all the senators that queued behind the bill were from water-poor states and regions that stand to gain from the passage of the bill when passed.

Interpretatively, this lopsided support given to the bill from inception, looking at commentaries was fuelled not by the burning desire for the public good but for sectional gain. Glaringly as it stands, this trend no doubt has become a pernicious problem embedded in our administrative culture that will be too difficult to eradicate. And has also necessitated the question as to how the nation can redistribute lands from land-rich states to land-poor states since the bill if passed as it is without amendment could conceivably make inter-basin transfers of water to be undertaken by the federal government without consent from or even consultation from indigenous communities…exactly like crude oil and associated problems of mean, wicked and evil inequities.

The bill, in the writer’s view, has justified the fears by Nigerians with discerning minds that the federal government by this move to acquire more power may not be interested in the devolution of power as currently demanded by Nigerians or may be paying lip service to the imperativeness and urgency of having this country restructured.

Accordingly, the whole argument by the FG becomes even vaguer, variable and ungraspable when one remembers that some of these items will be better handled and serves the greater good to the greater number of the people if left in the hands of the state, the local government or private owners.

From what Nigerians are saying, what has caused serious concern is that the bill viewed from a wider spectrum stands as telling proof of the present administration’s insensitivity to the people of the Niger Delta and other water areas.

These fears expressed by the coastal dwellers cannot be described as unfounded as it was a similar Decree 101 of 1992 which is now incongruously dressed up as an act of the National Assembly (Water Resources Act Cap W2 LFN 2OO4) that robbed every Nigerian of their water rights as it was hurriedly signed into law by the then military Ibrahim Babangida as his parting gift to Nigerians.

Lamentably, this and other sordid laws from the federal government in the past have particularly left the Niger Delta/coastal regions in social difficulties with no good record for survival as their environment is daily devastated/destroyed, with their teaming youths unemployed while the communities are periodically dispersed by the flood.

To put it differently, environmental experts and development practitioners are particularly not happy that the federal government proposed such a bill in the face of an endless list of actions not taken to better the lots of the people.

In case after case, the federal government has become reputed for pursuing policies chosen in advance of facts, policies designed to benefit some sections of the country- making global watchers conclude that there is something troubling in this administration. With these facts in mind, it is the writer’s view that our nation is in the process of quietly making what future historians will certainly describe as a disastrously mistaken decision on the issue of the National Water Resources Bill.

Allowing this bill signed into law, will not just usher in an unjust law but set the table to truncate the nascent peace currently enjoyed in the region while ushering in another round of hostility as the people are committed to peace by any means necessary but may not be committed to becoming the victims of peace.

To succeed in this assignment, the federal government must be holistic in its approach and practice deliberative democracy. This, in the writer’s view, will entail halting the ongoing debate on the National Water Resources bill in order to pave way for other stakeholders such as civil society groups, Water experts as well as the southern states to fully make their inputs- submit memoranda and possibly given the opportunity to make a presentation as it relates to this bill.

And at a broader perspective, the government must desist from the current non-participatory approach to development and embrace a broad-based consultative approach that will give the people some sense of ownership over their own issues.

Utomi is the Programme Coordinator (Media and Public Policy), Social and Economic Justice Advocacy (SEJA), Lagos. He can be reached via [email protected]/08032725374

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Adeleke’s Leadership: A Dance of Transformation in Osun

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Adeleke’s Leadership

By Bamikole Omishore

“Great dancers are not great because of their technique; they are great because of their passion.” – Martha Graham.

In the world of dance, few have mastered the art of movement with the grace and intensity of Martha Graham, whose choreography was marked by a profound understanding of human expression and transformation.

Graham’s dances were not mere performances; they were powerful reflections of the human condition, a tapestry woven with raw emotion, rhythm, and purpose. In many ways, the leadership of Osun State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, mirrors this very essence of dance—dynamic, passionate, and forward-moving.

Governor Adeleke has taken the helm of Osun State with the kind of zeal and vision that echoes the intensity of a choreographed performance, where each step is deliberate, and every movement contributes to a greater narrative of transformation. His approach to governance is not just about policy execution but about creating an environment where the people of Osun are empowered, uplifted, and given the tools to thrive.

In his leadership, one sees a choreography of progress, dedication, and unwavering commitment to the welfare of his people. Considering the precarious state of Osun when he took office on November 27, 2022, Adeleke could not have done otherwise—every step had to be deliberate and tailored for the development of the people.

Much like Martha Graham’s focus on the expression of the individual within a broader context, Governor Adeleke’s leadership shines in its ability to focus on the unique needs of Osun State’s diverse communities, while also aligning them with the collective goal of the state’s development. He has taken the pulse of Osun and, much like a skilled dancer attuned to the rhythm of the music, has set a course for the state that resonates with both empathy and pragmatism.

Governor Adeleke’s impact is tangible, and his passion for the people is infectious. His administration has not shied away from confronting the most pressing issues facing the state, including infrastructural deficits, educational reform, and economic revitalisation. Just as Martha Graham redefined modern dance by introducing new techniques and forms, Governor Adeleke has redefined governance in Osun by introducing innovative policies, modernising systems, and fostering an environment where growth is inevitable.

One of the cornerstones of Adeleke’s governance has been his focus on improving the education sector. Under his leadership, 631 classrooms and offices have been rehabilitated across 125 basic schools, while 323 new classrooms, halls, and laboratories have been constructed in 96 schools.

Additionally, new toilets, boreholes, motorised water wells, and perimeter fences have been installed in several schools. The Governor has also upgraded the Educational Management Information System (EMIS) units in local education authorities to improve data collection and management. Adeleke’s administration has sponsored 200 secondary school teachers and 20 ICT experts to train on remote learning platforms and has trained 1,004 teachers on cooperative learning strategies.

The governor has also initiated the recruitment of 5,000 new teachers to address vacancies in public schools. For tertiary education, Adeleke has invested in infrastructure, including completing a 52-office complex at Osun State University (UNIOSUN), thus becoming the first Governor since 2011 to execute a project at the institution.

He also funded the construction of the first student hostel at the University of Ilesa (UNILESA). He approved the permanent employment of over 230 temporary staff at UNILESA and supported the training of 137 academic staff at the Osun State College of Technology and 1,120 health educators in collaboration with international organisations.

He also revived the indigenous bursary scheme, providing financial support to over 3,100 students and N105,000 to Osun indigenes in law schools across Nigeria.

Governor Adeleke’s approach to healthcare mirrors the precision and care found in Graham’s choreography. Upon taking office, he inherited a healthcare system in disarray. However, he quickly launched the Imole Surgical and Medical Outreach, which provided free medical treatment to over 50,000 residents across Osun, addressing a wide range of conditions from cataracts and hernias to diabetes, hypertension, and malaria.

On a long-term basis, Adeleke’s administration has focused on improving the state’s healthcare infrastructure. This includes the rehabilitation of 345 primary healthcare centres (PHCs), with 200 already upgraded to include 24/7 power and water facilities, while the remaining 145 centres are undergoing renovations.

His administration has also ensured a regular supply of medications to these centres and has partnered with development organisations to provide essential medical equipment. Governor Adeleke’s healthcare policies have expanded health insurance coverage to include informal sector workers and Osun’s senior citizens, ensuring comprehensive healthcare access for all, including persons with disabilities.

Infrastructure development has been another focal point of Adeleke’s leadership. Osun State’s infrastructure, particularly in the road sector, was in dire need of attention when he assumed office. In the past two years, his administration has constructed many roads and has embarked on additional projects to extend the state’s road network.

Notable projects include the Oke-Fia overhead bridge in Osogbo, the first-ever overhead bridge in Ile-Ife, and the Akoda-Baptist-Oke Gada dual carriageway in Ede. These projects are expected to improve traffic flow, ease transportation, and spur economic growth by connecting key areas of the state. Adeleke’s commitment to infrastructure extends beyond urban centres.

Under his leadership, Osun State has rejoined the Rural Access and Mobility Project (RAAMP-3), focusing on improving rural road networks. These improvements are vital for enhancing rural connectivity, facilitating trade, and providing essential access to health and education services in remote areas.

The Governor’s unwavering passion for the people of Osun is also evident in his economic policies, which are focused on stimulating local industries, attracting investment, and reducing unemployment. Like Martha Graham’s ability to tap into the emotional core of her dancers, Adeleke’s governance taps into the heart of Osun’s potential, nurturing the state’s resources, businesses, and talents.

Governor Adeleke is driving sustainable development in Osun State with initiatives that align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). At the heart of his work is the Senator Isiaka Adetunji Adeleke Estate, a development that balances modern infrastructure with the need for planned, resilient communities. Governor Adeleke’s vision is not just about physical structures—it extends into the human realm. In SDG 4 (Quality Education), he has created the Alternative School for Girls, offering education to those who would otherwise be left behind.

Perhaps most importantly, Governor Adeleke’s leadership is marked by a deep sense of inclusivity and unity. Just as a dance troupe requires each member to work in harmony for the performance to succeed, Adeleke has fostered a sense of collective purpose in Osun.

Governor Ademola Adeleke has brought a new rhythm to Osun State, one driven by passion, innovation, and an unwavering commitment to the welfare of the people. Much like Martha Graham’s transformative choreography, which changed the landscape of modern dance forever, Adeleke’s governance has redefined the landscape of leadership in Osun —one that promises progress, unity, and a brighter future for all its citizens.

Omishore, a proud son of Osun state, writes from Ile-Ife

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Prepaid Debit Cards Can Enable Companies to Take Advantage of Increased Intra-African Trade

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Amber Thetford, Onafriq

By Amber Thetford

As businesses seek to expand across African borders, cashless payment solutions offer a safer method of transferring money. One offering, prepaid debit cards, provides security while mitigating many infrastructure and regulatory challenges, writes Amber Thetford, the Chief Product Officer for Card Issuing and Processing at Onafriq. 

As the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement (AfCTA) increasingly moves into the operational phase, it is becoming clearer that part of its success lies in ensuring that entrepreneurs and small businesses can effectively trade and receive payments across borders.

As the African Union has noted, the trade area will be the biggest since the World Trade Organization was formed in 1995. Africa’s population is currently 1.2 billion people, a figure that is expected to reach 2.5 billion by 2050. 

South Africa took its first step in making AfCTA a reality, when the now-former Minister of Trade, Industry, and Competition, then Ebrahim Patel, launched the implementation of the start of preferential trade this year. The South African Revenue Service also certified two consignments to Ghana and Kenya.

Yet, with trade expected to grow among members from the current between 15% and 18%, a safe way of moving money is required given the risk that cash presents. Some nine-tenths of transactions in sub-Saharan Africa are, based on World Bank information, in cash. 

The large amounts of cash involved in trade are also cumbersome and difficult to physically transport between markets.  Card payments, part of the digital ecosystem, can enable efficient, secure, and transparent transactions that are essential for facilitating trade.

Card payments can eliminate the need for manual intervention and reconciliation when it comes to banking and bookkeeping. This, the World Bank states, makes them, on average, three times more cost-effective than conventional purchase order costs.

While mobile money payments have greatly improved Africa’s ability to make cross-border payments, they do not meet the full scope of needs of individuals or businesses. As the United Nations points out, there are regulatory bottlenecks, while a lack of interconnectivity among mobile transactions in some countries means that people cannot transfer money across borders. Moreover, limitations of infrastructure, accessibility, and interoperability make it difficult for their users to access the global digital economy. As a result, this type of cross-border payment can be limited.

There are solutions to these dilemmas. Prepaid cards can enable businesses and individuals to transact with global institutions and marketplaces without the need to own a bank account. This option removes a pain point for a business that would otherwise need to accept local alternative payment methods or cash. Navigating challenges like high fees, currency shocks and a lack of access to traditional banks can be simplified through prepaid cards. This makes them a pivotal instrument that enhances Africa’s connection to the global economy. 

For example, one of our customers provides payroll solutions for seafarers and cruise ships, which frequently travel to different countries. Once the card is loaded, it is very convenient for a sailor to use it as one would a normal debit card and swipe to pay for purchases or transmit money across borders. The beauty of this option is that whoever is loading the card with money, can be based anywhere in the world, with the same also being true of the person holding the card.

Prepaid cards can also be used to manage expenses because they can be provided to managers of, for example, a bookstore, who can then make independent decisions about business-related purchases, but only up to a certain amount. This has the added advantage of speeding up operations as there are no lengthy delays across the company when it comes to acquiring stock, while it also goes some way towards eliminating fraud as the card has a set limit.

Larger companies with staff who travel extensively can also provide gratuities for their employees, who can then cover incidental expenses without having to dip into their pockets or bring back paperwork to be reimbursed.

A platform that simplifies a user’s ability to transfer money to cards brings the AfCTA dream closer to reality. The versatile power of prepaid cards can be used to promote free trade between countries and unite Africa’s fragmented payment landscape. 

Prepaid solutions can aid businesses seeking to operate in other African countries to thrive – making AfCTA’s aim a reality and boosting economic growth for all.

Amber Thetford is the Chief Product Officer for Card Issuing and Processing at Onafriq

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Examining Seyi Tinubu’s Potential Lagos Governorship Bid

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By Kenechukwu Aguolu

The possibility of Seyi Tinubu, the son of the President of Nigeria, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu contesting for the Lagos State governorship in 2027 has become a significant topic of public discourse, raising important questions about the dynamics of political dynasties and democratic values in Nigeria. While his constitutional eligibility to vie for the position under Section 177 of the Nigerian Constitution is undisputed, the discussion brings to light broader issues of political inclusivity, leadership by merit, and the role of family legacy in modern democracy.

The Nigerian Constitution outlines clear qualifications for anyone aspiring to the office of governor. A candidate must be a citizen of Nigeria by birth, at least 35 years old, a member of a political party, and educated to at least the secondary school level or its equivalent. Based on these criteria, Seyi Tinubu, as a citizen by birth and meeting the age and educational requirements, is constitutionally qualified to run for the office, provided he secures the sponsorship of a political party.

Political dynasties are not exclusive to Nigeria; they are a global phenomenon that has influenced governance in many parts of the world. In the United States, for example, the Bush family has held significant political positions, including George H.W. Bush as the 41st President, George W. Bush as the 43rd President and former Governor of Texas, and Jeb Bush as the Governor of Florida. Similarly, the Kennedy family produced John F. Kennedy, the 35th President, and prominent figures like Robert Kennedy, a U.S. Senator and Attorney General, and Ted Kennedy, a long-serving U.S. Senator. The Clinton family also left its mark, with Bill Clinton serving as the 42nd President and Hillary Clinton as a Secretary of State and presidential candidate. These families earned their positions through electoral victories, reinforcing the importance of public trust and the democratic process.

If Seyi Tinubu decides to run, his candidacy will face considerable scrutiny. Questions about whether his aspirations are rooted in personal merit or familial advantage will dominate public discourse. In Nigeria, where perceptions of nepotism and concerns about equitable access to leadership persist, the candidacy of a high-profile figure like Seyi Tinubu will polarize opinions. To succeed in such an environment, he would need to present a compelling policy agenda and demonstrate his capability to govern effectively. His father’s legacy as a former Lagos governor and current president could either bolster his credibility or attract criticism, depending on public sentiment.

Ultimately, the decision rests with the electorate. Lagosians possess the constitutional authority to evaluate candidates based on their merits and to choose leaders who align with their aspirations for the state. Democracy thrives on the principle that leadership is determined by the people, not inherited by default. Seyi Tinubu’s constitutional right to contest for the governorship reflects the democratic ideals enshrined in Nigeria’s laws. However, his candidacy, like that of any other aspirant, must be judged on its merit, the policies he proposes, and the competence he demonstrates. In the end, the will of the people should guide leadership selection, ensuring that governance remains a reflection of collective choice rather than familial legacy.

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