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Southern Leaders and the 1979, 1999 Nigerian Constitutions

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Mike Owhoko Clean Water

By Michael Owhoko, PhD

Interrogating the role played by southern leaders in the making of the 1979 and 1999 Nigerian constitutions that have decapacitated the south with dimmed prospects for its young teeming generations, is imperative at this point of Nigeria’s history. These two constitutions laid the groundwork for the current acrimony in the country, raising a national question.

Nigeria was a country of optimism until it was subverted by entrenched interests, using demography and political delineation, two key parameters to give the north an edge over the south.

These mechanisms of inequalities were perfected first, through the 1979 Constitution, and later the 1999 constitution.

But southern leaders were actively involved in making these two constitutions without flagging the contradictions. Reference to the 1979 Constitution is imperative here because the 1999 Constitution was cloned from it.

Niki Tobi, Chairman of the 1999 Constitution Debate Coordinating Committee (CDCC) confirmed this: “…Nigerians basically opt for the 1979 Constitution with relevant amendments. They want it, and they have copiously given their reasons for their choice in the different memoranda and oral presentations. So, we have recommended to the Provisional Ruling Council the adoption of the 1979 Constitution…”

In the making of the 1979 Constitution, southerners were members of the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC), Constituent Assembly (CA) and the Supreme Military Council (SMC) that eventually approved and decreed the 1979 Constitution into effect.

Also, southern leaders played significant roles in the process leading to the 1999 Constitution, beginning with the Constitution Debate Co-ordinating Committee (CDCC) to the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) that finally gave it legal teeth.

How come the southern leaders allowed these constitutions that have diminished the south to a position of underdog, despite laying the golden eggs and serving as the country’s revenue base, to pass?  Were they sleeping or overwhelmed by blurred vision or fleeting comfort or hypnotic hallucination? The dwindling relevance of southerners in the political and economic space in Nigeria today is proof of leadership deficit.

I have refrained from mentioning names for fear of illogical innuendos. By southern leaders, I mean all persons that have occupied positions of authority and influence either in the military, presidency, national assembly, judiciary, ministries, departments, agencies of government, private sector, religious organisations or are opinion influencers.

Both the 1979 and 1999 constitutions deepened the unitary system of government with enormous powers at the centre. While the 1979 Constitution had 67 items on the exclusive legislative list and 12 items on the concurrent list, the 1999 Constitution increased this to 68 on the exclusive list but retained the same 12 items on the concurrent list, indicative of strong centre and weak states.

This is contrary to the 1963 Constitution which had 45 items on the exclusive legislative list and 29 items on the concurrent list, reflecting a weak centre and strong regions. The intention of the founding fathers was to enable the federating regions to possess a level of autonomy that will enable them to leverage their peculiar capacities for development. This constitution was compatible with the country’s multiethnic configuration.

Before Nigeria came into existence in 1914, various ethnic groups had existed as autonomous nations. Each of these ethnic nationalities had its distinct administration and socio-cultural peculiarities and dispositions. They had sovereignty, and this allowed them to pursue their respective visions, ambitions and development strides independently.

The need to preserve this without completely ceding their sovereignties to the union called Nigeria necessitated the 1963 Constitution. The constitution had all the features of federalism. The component parts were co-ordinates and independent of each other and freely expressed their diverse cultural differences.

Each region had its own constitution, police and independent administration peculiar to their respective needs. Existing fiscal autonomy as reflected in the derivation principle gave each region financial freedom where they generated their own revenue from which 50% was retained, and the remaining 50% was shared among the states and the federal government. While the federal government received 20%, the balance of 30% was shared among the regions, including the producing region.

Unfortunately, this system of government was terminated and replaced by the military with a unitary system, first by Decree 34, and later through 1979 and 1999 constitutions where power is concentrated at the centre. This system completely removes the sovereignty and autonomy of the federating states or regions.

This has triggered a torrent of demands for a return to federalism through restructuring of the country’s political system.

Expectedly, these calls are coming mainly from the southern part of the country due to growing awareness of the inability of the 1999 Constitution to support the aspirations of millions of Nigerians, particularly the people of the south.

But the northern oligarchy loathes this and wants the status quo maintained because of the advantage they have over the south. The northern part is allocated more population figures, number of states and local government areas (LGAs). This explains the hold, influence and control over the country’s political structure and resources by northerners.

This also accounts for the dominance of the north in the legislature. Since the population is central to political power, the conduct of accurate census in Nigeria has become difficult as the north tries to maintain population superiority. That the Sahel Region is more populated than the Savannah Belt or Rain Forest is inconsistent with nature.

Now, a new generation has emerged from the south, questioning the rationale behind the 1999 Constitution. The chickens have come home to roost. The mistake of the sleepy southern leaders is turning around to haunt the system, resulting in the cry for equity and justice to correct the lopsided federation.

In a federation, no one part or group should be seen to be dominating the other. Of all the ethnic nations in Nigeria, the Fulani are the newest to arrive in 1800, yet, have become the most powerful with diverse influence in the Nigerian polity. This feat could only have been achieved through deliberate strategy, unison, concerted leadership expedition and territorial ambition.

This hegemony is evident from the headship of all three organs of government by northerners, just as all key strategic government agencies are also held by them.

Even criteria for admission into federal schools and employment into MDAs are lowered for the north while higher qualifications are required from the south.  Yet, the south which plays host to sources of revenue for the country looks on and failing to question this imbalance in a supposed federation of equal partnership.

The need to protect primordial interest rather than national interest is also evident in the push for open grazing, the establishment of Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) or cattle colonies across the country. It is the same with the proposed Water Resources Bill. To make a private business of herding, a federal government matter is the abuse of power aimed at achieving hegemonic interest, political domination and territorial expansion.

The sleepy southerner leaders must wake up to smell the coffee and stop the subservient corporatism. For too long, the southern leaders have allowed themselves to be used by their counterparts in the core north, who have continued to manipulate them over a plate of porridge. Give a southern leader a few pecks of office, including a chauffeur-driven SUV car with a police escort, along with opportunities for unearned income, the future of his people can be compromised.

Some of these southern leaders are already scheming to become vice-president to some Fulani politicians in the north by 2023. Why are they so inferior that they cannot assert themselves and push for the presidency, rather than settle for less? With shrinking opportunities in the south, their selfish actions will only worsen the growing miseries among the southern youths.

The #EndSARS protest by southern youths was a demonstration to protect their future. All they see is frustration induced by a bleak outlook, compounded by police brutality. Same sleepy southern leaders betrayed them.

It is the low premium the north places on the south that enabled it to question the outcome of the meeting of the southern governors’ forum held in Asaba. Northern governors have been meeting over the years but the south had never questioned their resolutions? Objection to the southern governors’ resolutions is proof of the superordinate-subordinate relationship. It is a sad reality, and the southern leaders with dimmed vision are to blame.

Nigeria belongs to all and must be made to work. To achieve this, the country must be restructured and built on equity, justice, equal opportunity and criteria for all.

The current unitary system as contained in the 1999 Constitution must be discarded and a new constitution tweaked after the 1963 Constitution with elements, perhaps, drawn from the 2014 Confab Report be adopted, otherwise, de-amalgamation is inevitable.

Dr Mike Owhoko, journalist and author, is the Publisher of Media Issues, an online newspaper based in Lagos.

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The Future of Payments: Key Trends to Watch in 2025

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Luke Kyohere

By Luke Kyohere

The global payments landscape is undergoing a rapid transformation. New technologies coupled with the rising demand for seamless, secure, and efficient transactions has spurred on an exciting new era of innovation and growth. With 2025 fast approaching, here are important trends that will shape the future of payments:

1. The rise of real-time payments

Until recently, real-time payments have been used in Africa for cross-border mobile money payments, but less so for traditional payments. We are seeing companies like Mastercard investing in this area, as well as central banks in Africa putting focus on this. 

2. Cashless payments will increase

In 2025, we will see the continued acceleration of cashless payments across Africa. B2B payments in particular will also increase. Digital payments began between individuals but are now becoming commonplace for larger corporate transactions. 

3. Digital currency will hit mainstream

In the cryptocurrency space, we will see an increase in the use of stablecoins like United States Digital Currency (USDC) and Tether (USDT) which are linked to US dollars. These will come to replace traditional cryptocurrencies as their price point is more stable. This year, many countries will begin preparing for Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs), government-backed digital currencies which use blockchain. 

The increased uptake of digital currencies reflects the maturity of distributed ledger technology and improved API availability. 

4. Increased government oversight

As adoption of digital currencies will increase, governments will also put more focus into monitoring these flows. In particular, this will centre on companies and banks rather than individuals. The goal of this will be to control and occasionally curb runaway foreign exchange (FX) rates.

5. Business leaders buy into AI technology

In 2025, we will see many business leaders buying into AI through respected providers relying on well-researched platforms and huge data sets. Most companies don’t have the budget to invest in their own research and development in AI, so many are now opting to ‘buy’ into the technology rather than ‘build’ it themselves. Moreover, many businesses are concerned about the risks associated with data ownership and accuracy so buying software is another way to avoid this risk. 

6. Continued AI Adoption in Payments

In payments, the proliferation of AI will continue to improve user experience and increase security.  To detect fraud, AI is used to track patterns and payment flows in real-time. If unusual activity is detected, the technology can be used to flag or even block payments which may be fraudulent. 

When it comes to user experience, we will also see AI being used to improve the interface design of payment platforms. The technology will also increasingly be used for translation for international payment platforms.

7. Rise of Super Apps

To get more from their platforms, mobile network operators are building comprehensive service platforms, integrating multiple payment experiences into a single app. This reflects the shift of many users moving from text-based services to mobile apps. Rather than offering a single service, super apps are packing many other services into a single app. For example, apps which may have previously been used primarily for lending, now have options for saving and paying bills. 

8. Business strategy shift

Recent major technological changes will force business leaders to focus on much shorter prediction and reaction cycles. Because the rate of change has been unprecedented in the past year, this will force decision-makers to adapt quickly, be decisive and nimble. 

As the payments space evolves,  businesses, banks, and governments must continually embrace innovation, collaboration, and prioritise customer needs. These efforts build a more inclusive, secure, and efficient payment system that supports local to global economic growth – enabling true financial inclusion across borders.

Luke Kyohere is the Group Chief Product and Innovation Officer at Onafriq

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Ghana’s Democratic Triumph: A Call to Action for Nigeria’s 2027 Elections

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In a heartfelt statement released today, the Conference of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP) has extended its warmest congratulations to Ghana’s President-Elect, emphasizing the importance of learning from Ghana’s recent electoral success as Nigeria gears up for its 2027 general elections.

In a statement signed by its Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Comrade James Ezema, the CNPP highlighted the need for Nigeria to reclaim its status as a leader in democratic governance in Africa.

“The recent victory of Ghana’s President-Elect is a testament to the maturity and resilience of Ghana’s democracy,” the CNPP stated. “As we celebrate this achievement, we must reflect on the lessons that Nigeria can learn from our West African neighbour.”

The CNPP’s message underscored the significance of free, fair, and credible elections, a standard that Ghana has set and one that Nigeria has previously achieved under former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. “It is high time for Nigeria to reclaim its position as a beacon of democracy in Africa,” the CNPP asserted, calling for a renewed commitment to the electoral process.

Central to CNPP’s message is the insistence that “the will of the people must be supreme in Nigeria’s electoral processes.” The umbrella body of all registered political parties and political associations in Nigeria CNPP emphasized the necessity of an electoral system that genuinely reflects the wishes of the Nigerian populace. “We must strive to create an environment where elections are free from manipulation, violence, and intimidation,” the CNPP urged, calling on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to take decisive action to ensure the integrity of the electoral process.

The CNPP also expressed concern over premature declarations regarding the 2027 elections, stating, “It is disheartening to note that some individuals are already announcing that there is no vacancy in Aso Rock in 2027. This kind of statement not only undermines the democratic principles that our nation holds dear but also distracts from the pressing need for the current administration to earn the trust of the electorate.”

The CNPP viewed the upcoming elections as a pivotal moment for Nigeria. “The 2027 general elections present a unique opportunity for Nigeria to reclaim its position as a leader in democratic governance in Africa,” it remarked. The body called on all stakeholders — including the executive, legislature, judiciary, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and civil society organisations — to collaborate in ensuring that elections are transparent, credible, and reflective of the will of the Nigerian people.

As the most populous African country prepares for the 2027 elections, the CNPP urged all Nigerians to remain vigilant and committed to democratic principles. “We must work together to ensure that our elections are free from violence, intimidation, and manipulation,” the statement stated, reaffirming the CNPP’s commitment to promoting a peaceful and credible electoral process.

In conclusion, the CNPP congratulated the President-Elect of Ghana and the Ghanaian people on their remarkable achievements.

“We look forward to learning from their experience and working together to strengthen democracy in our region,” the CNPP concluded.

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The Need to Promote Equality, Equity and Fairness in Nigeria’s Proposed Tax Reforms

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By Kenechukwu Aguolu

The proposed tax reform, involving four tax bills introduced by the Federal Government, has received significant criticism. Notably, it was rejected by the Governors’ Forum but was still forwarded to the National Assembly. Unlike the various bold economic decisions made by this government, concessions will likely need to be made on these tax reforms, which involve legislative amendments and therefore cannot be imposed by the executive. This article highlights the purposes of taxation, the qualities of a good tax system, and some of the implications of the proposed tax reforms.

One of the major purposes of taxation is to generate revenue for the government to finance its activities. A good tax system should raise sufficient revenue for the government to fund its operations, and support economic and infrastructural development. For any country to achieve meaningful progress, its tax-to-GDP ratio should be at least 15%. Currently, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio is less than 11%. The proposed tax reforms aim to increase this ratio to 18% within the next three years.

A good tax system should also promote income redistribution and equality by implementing progressive tax policies. In line with this, the proposed tax reforms favour low-income earners. For example, individuals earning less than one million naira annually are exempted from personal income tax. Additionally, essential goods and services such as food, accommodation, and transportation, which constitute a significant portion of household consumption for low- and middle-income groups, are to be exempted from VAT.

In addition to equality, a good tax system should ensure equity and fairness, a key area of contention surrounding the proposed reforms. If implemented, the amendments to the Value Added Tax could lead to a significant reduction in the federal allocation for some states; impairing their ability to finance government operations and development projects. The VAT amendments should be holistically revisited to promote fairness and national unity.

The establishment of a single agency to collect government taxes, the Nigeria Revenue Service, could reduce loopholes that have previously resulted in revenue losses, provided proper controls are put in place. It is logically easier to monitor revenue collection by one agency than by multiple agencies. However, this is not a magical solution. With automation, revenue collection can be seamless whether it is managed by one agency or several, as long as monitoring and accountability measures are implemented effectively.

The proposed tax reforms by the Federal Government are well-intentioned. However, all concerns raised by Nigerians should be looked into, and concessions should be made where necessary. Policies are more effective when they are adapted to suit the unique characteristics of a nation, rather than adopted wholesale. A good tax system should aim to raise sufficient revenue, ensure equitable income distribution, and promote equality, equity, and fairness.

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