Feature/OPED

Southern Leaders and the 1979, 1999 Nigerian Constitutions

Published

5 years ago

26/05/2021

By Michael Owhoko, PhD

Interrogating the role played by southern leaders in the making of the 1979 and 1999 Nigerian constitutions that have decapacitated the south with dimmed prospects for its young teeming generations, is imperative at this point of Nigeria’s history. These two constitutions laid the groundwork for the current acrimony in the country, raising a national question.

Nigeria was a country of optimism until it was subverted by entrenched interests, using demography and political delineation, two key parameters to give the north an edge over the south.

These mechanisms of inequalities were perfected first, through the 1979 Constitution, and later the 1999 constitution.

But southern leaders were actively involved in making these two constitutions without flagging the contradictions. Reference to the 1979 Constitution is imperative here because the 1999 Constitution was cloned from it.

Niki Tobi, Chairman of the 1999 Constitution Debate Coordinating Committee (CDCC) confirmed this: “…Nigerians basically opt for the 1979 Constitution with relevant amendments. They want it, and they have copiously given their reasons for their choice in the different memoranda and oral presentations. So, we have recommended to the Provisional Ruling Council the adoption of the 1979 Constitution…”

In the making of the 1979 Constitution, southerners were members of the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC), Constituent Assembly (CA) and the Supreme Military Council (SMC) that eventually approved and decreed the 1979 Constitution into effect.

Also, southern leaders played significant roles in the process leading to the 1999 Constitution, beginning with the Constitution Debate Co-ordinating Committee (CDCC) to the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) that finally gave it legal teeth.

How come the southern leaders allowed these constitutions that have diminished the south to a position of underdog, despite laying the golden eggs and serving as the country’s revenue base, to pass? Were they sleeping or overwhelmed by blurred vision or fleeting comfort or hypnotic hallucination? The dwindling relevance of southerners in the political and economic space in Nigeria today is proof of leadership deficit.

I have refrained from mentioning names for fear of illogical innuendos. By southern leaders, I mean all persons that have occupied positions of authority and influence either in the military, presidency, national assembly, judiciary, ministries, departments, agencies of government, private sector, religious organisations or are opinion influencers.

Both the 1979 and 1999 constitutions deepened the unitary system of government with enormous powers at the centre. While the 1979 Constitution had 67 items on the exclusive legislative list and 12 items on the concurrent list, the 1999 Constitution increased this to 68 on the exclusive list but retained the same 12 items on the concurrent list, indicative of strong centre and weak states.

This is contrary to the 1963 Constitution which had 45 items on the exclusive legislative list and 29 items on the concurrent list, reflecting a weak centre and strong regions. The intention of the founding fathers was to enable the federating regions to possess a level of autonomy that will enable them to leverage their peculiar capacities for development. This constitution was compatible with the country’s multiethnic configuration.

Before Nigeria came into existence in 1914, various ethnic groups had existed as autonomous nations. Each of these ethnic nationalities had its distinct administration and socio-cultural peculiarities and dispositions. They had sovereignty, and this allowed them to pursue their respective visions, ambitions and development strides independently.

The need to preserve this without completely ceding their sovereignties to the union called Nigeria necessitated the 1963 Constitution. The constitution had all the features of federalism. The component parts were co-ordinates and independent of each other and freely expressed their diverse cultural differences.

Each region had its own constitution, police and independent administration peculiar to their respective needs. Existing fiscal autonomy as reflected in the derivation principle gave each region financial freedom where they generated their own revenue from which 50% was retained, and the remaining 50% was shared among the states and the federal government. While the federal government received 20%, the balance of 30% was shared among the regions, including the producing region.

Unfortunately, this system of government was terminated and replaced by the military with a unitary system, first by Decree 34, and later through 1979 and 1999 constitutions where power is concentrated at the centre. This system completely removes the sovereignty and autonomy of the federating states or regions.

This has triggered a torrent of demands for a return to federalism through restructuring of the country’s political system.

Expectedly, these calls are coming mainly from the southern part of the country due to growing awareness of the inability of the 1999 Constitution to support the aspirations of millions of Nigerians, particularly the people of the south.

But the northern oligarchy loathes this and wants the status quo maintained because of the advantage they have over the south. The northern part is allocated more population figures, number of states and local government areas (LGAs). This explains the hold, influence and control over the country’s political structure and resources by northerners.

This also accounts for the dominance of the north in the legislature. Since the population is central to political power, the conduct of accurate census in Nigeria has become difficult as the north tries to maintain population superiority. That the Sahel Region is more populated than the Savannah Belt or Rain Forest is inconsistent with nature.

Now, a new generation has emerged from the south, questioning the rationale behind the 1999 Constitution. The chickens have come home to roost. The mistake of the sleepy southern leaders is turning around to haunt the system, resulting in the cry for equity and justice to correct the lopsided federation.

In a federation, no one part or group should be seen to be dominating the other. Of all the ethnic nations in Nigeria, the Fulani are the newest to arrive in 1800, yet, have become the most powerful with diverse influence in the Nigerian polity. This feat could only have been achieved through deliberate strategy, unison, concerted leadership expedition and territorial ambition.

This hegemony is evident from the headship of all three organs of government by northerners, just as all key strategic government agencies are also held by them.

Even criteria for admission into federal schools and employment into MDAs are lowered for the north while higher qualifications are required from the south. Yet, the south which plays host to sources of revenue for the country looks on and failing to question this imbalance in a supposed federation of equal partnership.

The need to protect primordial interest rather than national interest is also evident in the push for open grazing, the establishment of Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) or cattle colonies across the country. It is the same with the proposed Water Resources Bill. To make a private business of herding, a federal government matter is the abuse of power aimed at achieving hegemonic interest, political domination and territorial expansion.

The sleepy southerner leaders must wake up to smell the coffee and stop the subservient corporatism. For too long, the southern leaders have allowed themselves to be used by their counterparts in the core north, who have continued to manipulate them over a plate of porridge. Give a southern leader a few pecks of office, including a chauffeur-driven SUV car with a police escort, along with opportunities for unearned income, the future of his people can be compromised.

Some of these southern leaders are already scheming to become vice-president to some Fulani politicians in the north by 2023. Why are they so inferior that they cannot assert themselves and push for the presidency, rather than settle for less? With shrinking opportunities in the south, their selfish actions will only worsen the growing miseries among the southern youths.

The #EndSARS protest by southern youths was a demonstration to protect their future. All they see is frustration induced by a bleak outlook, compounded by police brutality. Same sleepy southern leaders betrayed them.

It is the low premium the north places on the south that enabled it to question the outcome of the meeting of the southern governors’ forum held in Asaba. Northern governors have been meeting over the years but the south had never questioned their resolutions? Objection to the southern governors’ resolutions is proof of the superordinate-subordinate relationship. It is a sad reality, and the southern leaders with dimmed vision are to blame.

Nigeria belongs to all and must be made to work. To achieve this, the country must be restructured and built on equity, justice, equal opportunity and criteria for all.

The current unitary system as contained in the 1999 Constitution must be discarded and a new constitution tweaked after the 1963 Constitution with elements, perhaps, drawn from the 2014 Confab Report be adopted, otherwise, de-amalgamation is inevitable.

Dr Mike Owhoko, journalist and author, is the Publisher of Media Issues, an online newspaper based in Lagos.

Feature/OPED

Building 234 Solutions: A Response to Everyday Workforce Challenges

Published

2 hours ago

25/06/2026

Business Post Contributor

By Owoloye Emmanuel

Every business starts with a problem. For us, that problem was hiding in plain sight.

Across organisations, we kept seeing HR professionals, payroll teams, and business leaders spend significant time navigating processes that should be simpler. Employee records sat across multiple systems, payroll processes required manual intervention, and routine workforce tasks often became more complicated than they needed to be.

As businesses grow, workforce operations naturally become more complex. Yet many organisations still rely on disconnected tools and workflows that create unnecessary friction for both employers and employees.

The consequence is more than operational inefficiency. HR teams spend valuable time managing systems instead of supporting people. Business leaders struggle to access timely workforce insights, while employees experience delays in processes that should be seamless.

These weren’t isolated challenges. They were recurring realities across workplaces, regardless of industry or size.

That observation led us to a simple question: what if workforce management could be easier?

What if HR, payroll, and workforce operations could work together within a single, connected experience?

That question became the foundation for 234 Solutions.

We are building 234 Solutions with a clear belief that workplace technology should reduce complexity, not add to it. Our goal is to help organisations spend less time navigating processes and more time focusing on productivity, growth, and people.

As we prepare for launch, our focus remains simple: building practical solutions for real workplace challenges and helping organisations create better experiences for the people who power them every day.

Owoloye Emmanuel is the founder of 234 Solutions

Feature/OPED

The Role of TV in Preserving African Stories and Identity

Published

1 day ago

24/06/2026

Business Post Contributor

Scroll through social media today, and you will notice something interesting: everyone is either reacting to a series, quoting a movie line, or debating a character as though they personally know them. Beneath the memes and binge-watch culture, however, lies something deeper. Television remains one of the most powerful tools shaping how Africans see themselves, remember their history, and tell their own stories. In a continent as diverse and expressive as Africa, that matters more than ever.

TV as a Cultural Archive, Not Just Entertainment

Long before streaming algorithms began shaping our viewing habits, television was already preserving African identity. From Nollywood dramas that capture the rhythm of everyday Lagos life to documentaries exploring Maasai traditions and Ghanaian folklore, TV has served as a living archive of the continent’s stories.

It preserves more than entertainment; it preserves language, culture, humour, values, and shared experiences. Unlike fleeting social media content, television allows stories to unfold with depth, exploring the realities of family, tradition, ambition, and modern African life without reducing them to stereotypes. That is the power of TV: preserving not just stories, but perspective.

Why Representation on TV Still Matters

There is a subtle but important truth: if people do not see themselves on screen, they may begin to believe their stories are not worth telling. This is why African TV content is more than entertainment; it is affirmation.

Seeing a character who speaks like you, struggles like you, or celebrates like your community does something powerful. It validates identity and challenges outdated narratives that have historically defined Africa through external lenses.

This is where MultiChoice Group, through platforms such as DStv and GOtv, plays an important role. They do not simply broadcast content; they help distribute cultural memory at scale.

GOtv, DStv, and the Everyday African Viewer

Think about a typical evening in many African homes: the TV is on in the background, someone is laughing at a comedy show, another person is watching a local series, and someone else is catching up on the news. That shared viewing experience remains very real.

Through platforms such as DStv and GOtv, African households are exposed to a blend of local storytelling and global content. More importantly, they have helped amplify African-produced content by bringing Nollywood films, African reality shows, talk shows, and documentaries into mainstream rotation.

It is not just about access. It is about visibility.

A young filmmaker in Lagos today is more likely to believe their story matters because they have seen similar stories broadcast widely. A child in Accra grows up hearing familiar accents and seeing environments that look like their own on screen, not as exceptions, but as the norm.

TV Is Also Shaping Modern African Identity

African identity is not static; it is evolving. Television reflects that evolution in real time.

Today, audiences see:

Young Africans balancing tradition and modern dating culture
Stories tackling mental health in African households
Fashion and music influences spreading through TV series
Political satire shaping public conversation

Conversations that were once confined to homes are now being explored on screen, giving audiences the language to discuss issues that were previously unspoken.

In many ways, television is doing what oral tradition has always done: passing stories, values, humour, warnings, and history from one generation to the next. The difference is that today’s griots are writers, directors, and broadcasters.

The Future: From Watching to Owning Our Narratives

The next stage of African storytelling is not just about being seen; it is about ownership.

As more African creators produce content and platforms continue to invest in regional storytelling, television becomes more than a mirror. It becomes a tool for shaping how Africa is represented to itself and to the world.

While streaming continues to grow, television, particularly accessible platforms such as GOtv, remains one of the most effective ways to reach everyday audiences across different income levels and regions. After all, storytelling only matters if people can access it.

African stories are not new. They have always existed in families, on streets, in markets, in history books, and through oral traditions. What television has done, and continues to do, is give those stories a stage wide enough for millions to experience them at once.

The next time you watch a local series or documentary on DStv or GOtv, remember that you are not just being entertained. You are participating in the preservation of African identity itself.

Feature/OPED

The Future of AI in Nigerian SMEs: Overcoming Barriers to Implementation

Published

2 days ago

23/06/2026

Business Post Contributor

By Kehinde Ogundare

Ask a tech entrepreneur in San Francisco what AI means for their business, and they are likely to talk about competitive advantage, product differentiation, and scale. Ask a small business owner in Kano or Onitsha the same question, and the conversation shifts entirely.

For many Nigerian SMEs, the priority is keeping the lights on, managing costs, and finding sustainable ways to grow in a challenging economic environment. This difference in perspective explains why the global AI conversation, often shaped by assumptions about stable infrastructure, deep capital, and abundant technical talent, frequently fails to address the realities facing Nigerian SMEs.

This matters because Nigerian SMEs are not a peripheral concern. In 2024 alone, MSMEs contributed 46.32% to Nigeria’s GDP, accounting for 96.9% of businesses and 87.9% of employment. These businesses are the backbone of the Nigerian economy, and if AI is going to mean anything for Nigeria’s development, it has to work for them in the daily conditions they actually operate in.

However, research drawing on empirical data from 144 Nigerian SMEs found that inadequate infrastructure, low digital literacy, skills shortages, and regulatory gaps are collectively preventing them from meaningfully engaging with AI. Awareness of AI is high and growing. What is missing is a clear and honest conversation about what adoption actually requires in this specific context. The barriers are real, but none of them are insurmountable. The question is whether the tools, pricing models, and support structures being offered to Nigerian SMEs are designed with those barriers in mind, or whether they have been built for another market entirely.

Subscription models making AI affordable for small businesses

When most small business owners hear “AI,” they imagine expensive software, specialist consultants, and a hefty upfront bill.

That assumption is not entirely wrong, but it describes a particular way of buying technology, not AI itself. The shift that makes AI genuinely accessible at the SME level is the move away from large, one-time capital purchases towards tools that charge a predictable monthly subscription. Businesses can pay for what they use, scale back when necessary, and avoid the debt that a major technology investment can create.

The deeper opportunity here is consolidation. Many SMEs are already spending money across multiple disconnected tools—one for invoicing, another for customer records, another for stock tracking—none of which talk to each other. An integrated platform that handles several of these functions together, with AI built in, can actually cost less than the sum of those separate subscriptions while giving business owners a clearer picture of their operations.

With margins already under pressure, any technology a business adopts needs to visibly show an increase in productivity or bottom line. Subscription-based, integrated platforms, priced transparently and honestly, are the model that best fits this reality.

Infrastructure challenges demand a mobile-first approach

No conversation about technology in Nigeria is complete without confronting the infrastructure problem, and AI is no exception. Nigeria continues to face major infrastructure barriers, including limited broadband access, unreliable power supply, and high data costs, all of which constrain deeper AI adoption. These are structural features of the operating environment that any sensible technology strategy must account for today.

The electricity situation alone is significant. The World Bank estimates that the lack of stable electricity costs Nigeria’s economy approximately $26.2 billion annually, equivalent to about 2% of GDP, forcing many businesses to run on expensive diesel generators. That cost ripples outward.

In practical terms, AI tools built for Nigeria cannot assume a stable broadband connection or a computer that is always powered on. The tools that will actually get used are the ones that work on a smartphone, consume minimal data, and can function offline when connectivity drops, syncing back up when it returns. The mobile phone is already how many Nigerian SME owners run their businesses. AI that meets them there, rather than demanding infrastructure they do not have, is AI that has a genuine future in this market.

The direction is clear: build capability from within, using tools that make that possible. Recent AI performance research reveals that 64% of African workers are already actively using AI at work, signalling massive grassroots readiness and driving forward-thinking organisations across Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa to aggressively prioritise internal upskilling frameworks to bridge the talent gap.

As the policy groundwork is being laid, the commercial ecosystem is beginning to respond. What remains is a clear-eyed acceptance that AI tools built for this market need to look different from those built for markets with different realities. Low cost, low bandwidth, and usability for non-technical people are not modest ambitions; they are the actual requirements. Build for those realities, and AI has a real future in Nigeria’s SME economy.