Feature/OPED
The Delusions of Charles Onunaiju About The PTF
By Edwin Uhara
I read the delusional article written by Mr Charles Onunaiju where he maliciously faltered the decision of the Presidential Task Force (PTF) on COVID-19 to publish the passport numbers of 100 passengers who flouted the mandatory seven-day post-arrival COVID-19 Polymerase Chain Reaction test.
If the article was written to rebuke foreign returnees who refused to obey federal government order, it would have been more welcoming, but the writer shamelessly attacked the PTF, its operational modules, its finances and suitability of its membership composition as well as calling for the head of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Mr Boss Mustapha.
Mr Onunaiju never condemned the action of those persons he is defending which the Leadership Newspaper in its Editorial of January 10, 2021, described as “health terrorists,” for allegedly contributing to the rising cases of COVID-19 pandemic in the country.
Unlike Mr Onunaiju, the paper in its editorial said: ”It is gratifying to note in our opinion that the federal government recently slammed a six-month travel ban on violators of COVID-19 protocols.
“The notice explained that 100 defaulters would be restricted for six months for failure to comply with the mandatory post-arrival COVID-19 Polymerase Chain Reaction test. We commend the government for this bold action.
“We strongly believe that the only way of preventing a spread of the pandemic is by adhering to non-pharmaceutical methods which involve wearing of facemasks, physical/social distancing and use of hand sanitisers. Our fragile health system cannot survive another major outbreak of the pandemic.
“We also support the move by the government to impose a travel ban on very important persons (VIPs) and government officials flouting COVID-19 protocols. All VIPs and government officials that violate the protocols must be compelled to undergo the compulsory tests.”
In a similar vein, The Nation Newspaper in its own comment on January 5, 2021, entitled ‘Dangerous Dodgers‘ also condemned the action of the foreign returnees by saying, ”Test dodging is condemnable because it endangers others.
“But if the dodgers behave irresponsibly, the authorities should not encourage irresponsible behaviour. COVID-19 is a public health crisis and no one should be allowed to compound the problem through their irresponsibility.”
However, let me quickly correct some of the wrong assertions made against the PTF by Mr Onunaiju.
Contrary to his uninformed commentary, the PTF was established to coordinate and oversee Nigeria’s multi-sectoral inter-governmental efforts to contain the spread and mitigate the impact of COVID-19 pandemic in the country.
In other words, the PTF provides overall policy direction, guidance and continuous supports to the National Emergency Operations Centre at the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) and other ministries and agencies of government involved in direct response to COVID-19.
Parts of the PTF mandates also include; sensitisation and awareness campaigns for the general public on prevention measures. Response commodities for case management, infection prevention and control, diagnostic laboratories and deployment strategies, providing recommendations for the provision of direct funding and technical support to states and local governments to strengthen their preparedness capacity and mobilize human, material and financial resources from within and outside the country for effective national and state-level preparedness, keeping the public abreast of strategic progress with Nigeria’s response and emerging developments regarding preparedness and response among others.
Before the establishment of the PTF on March 9, 2020, the nation only had two molecular laboratories with just 500 daily testing capacity, but today, because of the prudential and pragmatic leadership at the PTF, the nation can now boast of more than 100 molecular laboratories with over 20,000 daily testing capacity.
The nation now has COVID-19 treatment centres in all the 36 states of the federation plus the Federal Capital Territory. The PTF has also received approval from President Muhammadu Buhari to build oxygen plants in all the 36 states and the FCT.
Similarly, the writer also advertised his crass ignorance when he claimed that the PTF is projecting the apocalypse. It is unfortunate that Mr Onanuiju belongs to the categories of Nigerians rendering disservices to the nation by denying and under-estimating the virulent nature of the pandemic.
Succinctly, what Mr Onunaiju meant by projecting the apocalypse is the use of science and data by the PTF for its risk communication and community engagement with Nigerians.
Concerning the financial activities of the task force as well as the donations and expenses, Mr Onunaiju should have gone to a designated website to get all information he needed to know about the PTF. The website is: https://statehouse.gov.ng/covid19/
On the claim by the alleged hack-writer that the Nigerian Immigration Service was not notified before advertisements were placed in some dailies, below is what the NIS said concerning the ban.
“In line with the federal government’s directives on temporary travel restrictions on 100 passengers due to non-compliance with the mandatory seven-day post-arrival COVID-19 PCR test by all in-bound travellers, the Comptroller-General of Nigeria Immigration Service, Muhammad Babandede, has directed the relevant formations to ensure immediate compliance with the travel restriction order.
“The 100 defaulting passengers have been restricted for a period of six months, from January 1st 2021 to June 30th 2021. All the affected passengers have been notified and will be prevented from passport re-issuance and travelling outside the country during this period.”
Let me also inform Mr Onunaiju that the central idea behind the publication is to serve as a deterrent to others whose action might increase “health terrorism” in the country.
The last false narrative by the writer which I want to correct is where he claimed that the PFT is not issuing new guidelines about the virus.
In fact, below is an excerpt of the new provisional quarantine protocol for passengers arriving Nigeria introduced by the PTF and came into effect from Monday, January 11, 2021.
“One of the requirements is that traveller is required to perform a COVID-19 PCR test not more than four days (96 hours) before boarding.
“PCR tests done more than 96 hours before departure are not valid and persons will not be allowed to board.
“All intending passengers, including diplomats and children less than 10 years old, are to register via an online national travel portal (Nigeria International Travel Portal and proceed to fill in the online Health Declaration/Self-Reporting form located on the portal. They should ensure that the information/contact details provided on the form are correct and verifiable.
“Passengers must also inform port health officials on the arrival of any change in their health circumstances since completion of the Health Declaration/Self-Reporting Form.
“Passengers who falsify their status as diplomats will face prosecution.”
All the things I said in this article are there in the public domain for all Nigerians to read and download.
Therefore, Mr Onunaiju and the group is allegedly fronting for should be told that no amount of mudslinging or distortion of facts can discourage the PTF and its eminently qualified members from flattening the COVID-19 curve in Nigeria.
Comrade Edwin Uhara is a UN-trained Negotiator and Member APC Presidential Campaign Council in the last election. He writes from Abuja.
Feature/OPED
Dangote at 69: The Man Building Africa’s Industrial Backbone
By Abiodun Alade
As Aliko Dangote turns 69, his story demands to be read not as a biography of wealth, but as a case study in Africa’s unfinished industrial argument.
For decades, the continent has lived with a structural contradiction. It exports raw materials and imports finished goods. It produces crude oil but imports refined fuel. It grows cotton but imports textiles. It produces cocoa but imports chocolate. It harvests timber yet imports something as basic as toothpicks. This imbalance has not merely defined Africa’s trade patterns; it has shaped its vulnerability.
Dangote’s career can be viewed as a sustained attempt to break that cycle.
What began as a trading enterprise has evolved into one of the most ambitious industrial platforms ever built on African soil. Cement, fertiliser, petrochemicals and now oil refining are not random ventures. They are deliberate interventions in sectors where Africa has historically ceded value to others.
This is what many entrepreneurs overlook. Not the opportunity to trade, but treading the harder, riskier path of building production capacity where none exists.
Recent analyses, including those from global business commentators, have framed Dangote’s model as a “billion-dollar path” hidden in plain sight: solving structural inefficiencies at scale rather than chasing fragmented market gains. It is a strategy that requires patience, capital and an unusual tolerance for long gestation periods.
Nowhere is this more evident than in the $20 billion Dangote Petroleum Refinery in Nigeria, a project that signals a shift not just for one country, but for an entire continent. With Africa importing the majority of its refined petroleum products, the refinery represents an attempt to anchor energy security within the continent.
Its timing is not incidental.
The global energy market has become increasingly volatile, particularly during geopolitical disruptions such as the recent crises in the Middle East. For African economies, which rely heavily on imported refined fuel, such shocks translate immediately into inflation, currency pressure, fiscal strain and higher poverty.
In those moments, domestic capacity ceases to be a matter of convenience and becomes one of sovereignty.
Dangote Petroleum refinery has already begun to play that role. By supplying refined products at scale, it reduces Africa’s exposure to external supply shocks and dampens the transmission of global price volatility into local economies. It is, in effect, a buffer against instability in a world where supply chains are no longer predictable. The refinery is not infrastructure. It is insurance against global instability.
But the ambition does not end there.
Dangote has articulated a vision to grow his business empire to $100 billion in value by 2030. This is not simply a statement of scale. It is a signal of intent to build globally competitive African industrial capacity.
When realised, such a platform would place an African conglomerate in a category historically dominated by firms from China, the United States and India—economies that have long leveraged industrial champions to drive national development.
The implications for Africa are significant.
Industrial scale matters. It lowers costs, improves competitiveness and attracts ecosystems of suppliers, logistics networks and skilled labour. Dangote’s cement operations across more than ten African countries have already demonstrated this multiplier effect, reducing import dependence while stabilising prices in local markets.
The same logic now extends to fertiliser, where Africa’s largest urea complex is helping to address agricultural productivity, and to refining, where fuel supply stability underpins virtually every sector of the economy.
Yet perhaps the most interesting shift in Dangote’s trajectory is philosophical.
In recent years, Dangote’s interventions have moved beyond industry into social infrastructure. A N1 trillion education commitment aimed at supporting over a million Nigerian students suggests an understanding that industrialisation without human capital is incomplete.
Factories can produce goods. Only education produces capability.
This dual focus—on both production and people—mirrors the development pathways of countries that successfully transitioned from low-income to industrial economies. In South Korea, for instance, industrial expansion was matched by aggressive investment in education and skills. The result was not just growth, but transformation.
Africa’s challenge has been the absence of such an alignment.
Dangote’s model, while privately driven, gestures toward that possibility: an ecosystem where energy, manufacturing and human capital evolve together.
Still, there are limits to what just one industrialist can achieve.
No matter how large, private capital cannot substitute for coherent policy, regulatory clarity and institutional strength. Industrialisation at scale requires coordination between state and market, not tension between them. This remains Africa’s unresolved question.
Beyond scale and industry, Aliko Dangote’s journey is anchored in faith—a belief that success is not merely achieved, but granted by God, and that wealth is a trust, not an end. His philanthropy reflects that conviction: that prosperity must serve a higher purpose. History suggests that, by divine providence, such figures appear sparingly—once in a generation—reminding societies that impact, at its highest level, is both economic and spiritual.
Dangote’s career offers both inspiration and caution. It shows that African industrialisation is possible, that scale can be achieved and that global competitiveness is within reach. But it also highlights how much of that progress still depends on singular vision rather than systemic design.
At 69, Dangote stands at a pivotal moment, not just personally, but historically.
He has built assets that did not previously exist. He has challenged economic assumptions that persisted for decades. And he has demonstrated that Africa can do more than export potential; it can manufacture reality. But the deeper test lies ahead.
Whether Africa transforms these isolated successes into a broader industrial awakening will determine whether Dangote’s legacy is remembered as exceptional—or foundational.
In a fragmented global economy, where supply chains are shifting and nations are turning inward, Africa has a unique opportunity to redefine its place.
Africa must now make a deliberate choice. For too long, its development path has been shaped by external prescriptions that prioritise consumption over production, imports over industry and short-term stability over long-term capacity. International institutions often speak the language of efficiency, yet the outcome has too frequently been a continent positioned as a market rather than a manufacturer—a destination for surplus goods rather than a source of value creation. This model has delivered dependency, not resilience. Industrialisation is not optional; it is the foundation of economic sovereignty. Africa cannot outsource its future. It must build it—by refining what it produces, manufacturing what it consumes and resisting the quiet drift towards becoming a permanent dumping ground in the global economy.
At 69, Aliko Dangote stands not at the end of a journey, but on the cusp of a larger question. His factories, refineries and investments are more than monuments of capital; they are proof that Africa can build, can produce and can compete. But no single individual can carry a continent across the threshold of industrialisation. The deeper test lies beyond him.
Whether Africa chooses to scale this vision or retreat into the familiar comfort of imports will define the decades ahead. Dangote has shown what is possible when ambition meets execution. The question now is whether others—governments, institutions, and investors—will match that courage with corresponding action.
History is rarely shaped by what is imagined. It is shaped by what is built.
Abiodun, a communications specialist, writes from Lagos
Feature/OPED
Why Creativity is the New Infrastructure for Challenging the Social Order
By Professor Myriam Sidíbe
Awards season this year was a celebration of Black creativity and cinema. Sinners directed by Ryan Coogler, garnered a historic 16 nominations, ultimately winning four Oscars. This is a film critics said would never land, which narrates an episode of Black history that had previously been diminished and, at some points, erased.
Watching the celebration of this film, following a legacy of storytelling dominated by the global north and leading to protests like #OscarsSoWhite, I felt a shift. A movement, growing louder each day and nowhere more evident than on the African continent. Here, an energetic youth—representing one-quarter of the world’s population—are using creativity to renegotiate their relationship with the rest of the world and challenge the social norms affecting their communities.
The Academy Awards held last month saw African cinema represented in the International Feature Film category by entries including South Africa’s The Heart Is a Muscle, Morocco’s Calle Málaga, Egypt’s Happy Birthday, Senegal’s Demba, and Tunisia’s The Voice of Hind Rajab.
Despite its subject matter, Wanuri Kahiu’s Rafiki, broke the silence and secrecy around LGBTQ love stories. In Kenya, where same sex relationships are illegal and loudly abhorred, Rafiki played to sold-out cinemas in the country’s capital, Nairobi, showing an appetite for home-grown creative content that challenges the status quo.
This was well exemplified at this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos when alcoholic beverages firm, AB InBev convened a group of creative changemakers and unlikely allies from the private sector to explore new ways to collaborate and apply creativity to issues of social justice and the environment.
In South Africa, AB inBev promotes moderation and addresses alcohol-related gender-based violence by partnering with filmmakers to create content depicting positive behaviours around alcohol. This strategy is revolutionising the way brands create social value and serve society.
For brands, the African creative economy represents a significant opportunity. By 2030, 10 per cent of global creative goods are predicted to come from Africa. By 2050, one in four people globally will be African, and one in three of the world’s youth will be from the continent.
Valued at over USD4 trillion globally (with significant growth in Africa), these industries—spanning music, film, fashion, and digital arts—offer vital opportunities for youth, surpassing traditional sectors in youth engagement.
Already, cultural and creative industries employ more 19–29-year-olds than any other sector globally. This collection of allies in Davos understood that “business as usual” is not enough to succeed in Africa; it must be on terms set by young African creatives with societal and economic benefits.
The key question for brands is: how do we work together to harness and support this potential? The answer is simple. Brands need courage to invest in possibilities where others see risk; wisdom to partner with those others overlook; and finally, tenacity – to match an African youth that is not waiting but forging its own path.
As the energy of the creative sector continues to gain momentum, I am left wondering: which brands will be smart enough to get involved in our movement, and who has what it takes to thrive in this new world?
Professor Sidíbe, who lives in Nairobi, is the Chief Mission Officer of Brands on a Mission and Author of Brands on a Mission: How to Achieve Social Impact and Business Growth Through Purpose.
Feature/OPED
Why President Tinubu Must End Retirement Age Disparity Between Medical and Veterinary Doctors Now
By James Ezema
To argue that Nigeria cannot afford policy inconsistencies that weaken its already fragile public health architecture is not an exaggeration. The current disparity in retirement age between medical doctors and veterinary professionals is one such inconsistency—one that demands urgent correction, not bureaucratic delay.
The Federal Government’s decision to approve a 65-year retirement age for selected health professionals was, in principle, commendable. It acknowledged the need to retain scarce expertise within a critical sector. However, by excluding veterinary doctors and veterinary para-professionals—whether explicitly or by omission—the policy has created a dangerous gap that undermines both equity and national health security.
This is not merely a professional grievance; it is a structural flaw with far-reaching consequences.
At the heart of the issue lies a contradiction the government cannot ignore. For decades, Nigeria has maintained a parity framework that places medical and veterinary doctors on equivalent footing in terms of salary structures and conditions of service. The Consolidated Medical Salary Structure (CONMESS) framework recognizes both professions as integral components of the broader health ecosystem. Yet, when it comes to retirement policy, that parity has been abruptly set aside.
This inconsistency is indefensible.
Veterinary professionals are not peripheral actors in the health sector—they are central to it. In an era defined by zoonotic threats, where the majority of emerging infectious diseases originate from animals, excluding veterinarians from extended service retention is not only unfair but strategically reckless.
Nigeria has formally embraced the One Health approach, which integrates human, animal, and environmental health systems. But policy must align with principle. It is contradictory to adopt One Health in theory while sidelining a core component of that framework in practice.
Veterinarians are at the frontline of disease surveillance, outbreak prevention, and biosecurity. They play critical roles in managing threats such as anthrax, rabies, avian influenza, Lassa fever, and other zoonotic diseases that pose direct risks to human populations. Their contribution to safeguarding the nation’s livestock—estimated in the hundreds of millions—is equally vital to food security and economic stability.
Yet, at a time when their relevance has never been greater, policy is forcing them out prematurely.
The workforce realities make this situation even more alarming. Nigeria is already grappling with a severe shortage of veterinary professionals. In some states, only a handful of veterinarians are available, while several local government areas have no veterinary presence at all. Compelling experienced professionals to retire at 60, while their medical counterparts remain in service until 65, will only deepen this crisis.
This is not a theoretical concern—it is an imminent risk.
The case for inclusion has already been made, clearly and responsibly, by the Nigerian Veterinary Medical Association and the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development. Their position is grounded in logic, policy precedent, and national interest. They are not seeking special treatment; they are demanding consistency.
The current circular, which limits the 65-year retirement age to clinical professionals in Federal Tertiary Hospitals and excludes those in mainstream civil service structures, is both administratively narrow and strategically flawed. It fails to account for the unique institutional placement of veterinary professionals, who operate largely outside hospital settings but are no less critical to national health outcomes.
Policy must reflect function, not merely location.
This is where decisive leadership becomes imperative. The responsibility now rests squarely with Bola Ahmed Tinubu to address this imbalance and restore coherence to Nigeria’s health and civil service policies.
A clear directive from the President to the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation can correct this anomaly. Such a directive should ensure that veterinary doctors and veterinary para-professionals are fully integrated into the 65-year retirement framework, in line with existing parity policies and the realities of modern public health.
Anything less would signal a troubling disregard for a sector that plays a quiet but indispensable role in national stability.
This is not just about fairness—it is about foresight. Public health security is interconnected, and weakening one component inevitably weakens the entire system.
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture, confronted by complex health, food security, and economic challenges. Retaining experienced veterinary professionals is not optional; it is essential.
The disparity must end—and it must end now.
Comrade James Ezema is a journalist, political strategist, and public affairs analyst. He is the National President of the Association of Bloggers and Journalists Against Fake News (ABJFN), National Vice-President (Investigation) of the Nigerian Guild of Investigative Journalists (NGIJ), and President/National Coordinator of the Not Too Young To Perform (NTYTP), a national leadership development advocacy group. He can be reached via email: [email protected] or WhatsApp: +234 8035823617.
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