World
Europe and Africa Forging A New Relationship
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Late January 2024, prominent African leaders and corporate business executives attended the summit intended to forge a new relationship between Europe and Africa. It was hosted by Italy’s hard-right Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni who who came to power in 2022. The significance of the summit was to reshape and place on track the European policy priorities and, at the same time, to highlight economic diplomacy and fix the long-trailed systematic development plans for Africa.
Within the context of the geopolitical changes, African political leaders have shown high enthusiasm and pragmatism, in developing relations with external countries. As trends in their approach with a new sense of diligent optimism show, African leaders fundamentally support the current global reconfiguration. Far beyond analytical talks of the scramble for resources by external powers, Africa is noticeably glued to the United States and Europe, while capitalizing on laudable offers from other players such as China, Russia, India, Turkey and those from the Arab world.
Given the current situation in the world, Africa has to step forward to harvest, with appropriate mechanisms and transparent procedures, concrete development-finance agreements, infrastructure engagements, trade and economic cooperation and above all humanitarian assistance for the most disadvantaged segments of the population that these external players offer at these summits. African leaders have to tone down all ideological manifestations and capitalize on existing challenges, contradictions and complexities of these geopolitical players including the United States, Europe Asia and Latin America to address instability, and socio-economic deficits and effectively coordinate strategic policies toward achieving sustainable development in this multipolar world.
At least during the past two decades, Africa’s invitations to international summits and conferences have been primarily due to, perhaps, a complex relationship with China. China started when Russia exited, and China has landmark achievements across the continent. Russia is struggling to regain or retrieve part of its Soviet-era influence. Now, the United States and Europe aim to counter the fast-rising influence of China and Russia.
Despite the lengthy process of persuasion and consensus building on previous partnerships, Europe still faces challenges. Late January 2024, Italy became the European country of convergence, with Italy as a key bridge between Africa and Europe. Approximately two dozen African leaders, the African Union, top European Union and United Nations officials and representatives from international lending institutions were in Rome for the summit, the first major event of Italy’s Group of Seven presidency.
Meloni’s so-called “Mattei Plan” is named after Enrico Mattei, the founder of Eni – Italy’s state-owned energy giant. In the 1950s, he advocated a cooperative stance towards African countries, helping them to develop their natural resources. “The basis of the Mattei Plan is a new approach – non-predatory, non-paternalistic but also not charitable,” Meloni told state-run RAI station. “It’s an approach of equals, to grow together.”
Political Diplomacy
Italy being part of the European Union has played on historical heart-settings with Africa. Over the past years, it has forged multi-dimensional cooperation as part of the foreign policy, and similarly the members of the European Union. Now these European Union members are pushing hard to showcase the future trajectory in their individual and collective relations with Africa. Europe promises to develop large-scale investment in various sectors, especially in the energy sectors in the continent, and straining efforts at curbing migration of Africans to Europe.
A former Prime Minister of the Republic of Chad and now the African Union Commission Chairperson, Moussa Faki Mahamat, jolted his Italian hosts with sharply worded comments at the opening of the summit dubbed “A Bridge for Common Growth” held in Rome. Rome holds the presidency of the G7 group of nations this year and has vowed to make African development a central theme, in part to increase influence in a continent where powers such as China, Russia, India, Japan and Turkey have been expanding their political clout.
“We are not beggars, our ambition is much higher, we want a paradigm shift for a new model of partnership that can pave the way towards a fairer and more coherent world. You can well understand that we can no longer be satisfied with mere promises that are often not kept,” he told the gathering.
With the rapidly changing times, Europe has to wake up to the immense potential of Africa. European Union and individual members have made financial pledges but seriously lack practical evidence of undertaking projects. And African leaders at the summit were frank, unreservedly endorsed criticisms of making distinction between rhetoric and reality as suggested in remarks by the AU Chairperson Moussa Faki.
Reports pointed to Mahamat who categorically emphasized the necessity for Africa to be consulted on priorities and stressed the urgency of moving from promises to concrete actions. He underscored the frustration with unfulfilled commitments, calling for a more results-oriented approach.
The plan, which includes more than €5.5 billion ($6 billion) in investments, credits, gift operations, and guarantees – including building a training centre on renewable energy in Morocco, education projects in Tunisia, and other projects in Algeria, Mozambique, Egypt, the Republic of Congo, Ethiopia and Kenya – was not well received by the African leaders in attendance, who said that they had not been consulted in the formation of the plan.
Italy’s first African-born parliamentarian Aboubakar Soumahoro, who is deputy and coordinator of the parliamentary intergroup for Sub-Saharan Africa, also criticized the plan.
Cristiano Maugeri of Action Aid Italia lamented that the government had excluded any consultation with civil society groups active in African development to formulate the plan, and said that it regardless represented something of a repackaging of existing projects. “We are talking about initiatives that have already been presented in other contexts, only with a new stamp on them,” he said.
The UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed praised Italy for focusing on the key pillars of energy and food systems, saying they complement an approach already mapped out by the African Union. But she lamented that overall, the 2030 targets of the globally-approved U.N. Sustainable Development Goals are “falling woefully short” and further urged the government of Italy to make such deep, effective, and equal partnerships a reality, and to use its presidency of the G7 to work with other countries to do likewise.
Given the fact that Italy currently holds the rotating chair of the Group of Seven (G7) major Western powers, the narrative around Africa has to change, to promote African interests during the G7 presidency. Europe has to take advantage of the largest renewable energy resources the vast arable land for agriculture, and the possibility of industrial production for the latest – the African Continental Market (AfCFTA).
African-Italian Negotiations
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni unveiled a long-awaited initiative aimed at helping African countries prosper in return for curbing illegal immigration, pumping a preliminary 5.5 billion euros ($5.96 billion) into the scheme. The schemes include efforts to develop African agribusiness and mobilize Italian transport and major works companies.
During a post-summit news conference, Meloni acknowledged the importance of translating promises into tangible projects on the ground. With more than 25 countries in attendance, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and representatives of UN agencies and the World Bank, Meloni explained the plan would initially be funded to the tune of €5.5 billion, some of which would be loans, with investments focused on energy, agriculture, water, health and education.
The prime minister, however, emphasized the need for collaboration with the private sector and international bodies, such as the European Union, to ensure the initiative’s success.
Energy needs stand at the core of Italy’s initiative, with the country aiming to serve as a gateway for African natural gas into European markets. The ambitious plan gains significance in the context of the European Union’s efforts to diversify energy supplies following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the former Soviet republic. Meloni outlined a series of pilot projects in individual countries that would enable Africa to become a major exporter of energy to Europe, helping it reduce its dependence on Russian energy.
European Global Gateway
In the previous years, the European Union has sought to build strongly on its existing economic and trade relationship with Africa. It held the last summit in February 2022, with African leaders and the African Union. It has been attempting to bring Africa and Europe closer together for strategic, long-term footing to develop a shared vision for EU-Africa relations in a globalized world.
In an official document, it said it would (i) Support AfCFTA implementation and the green transition; (ii) Improve trade and investment climate between the EU and Africa; (iii) Reinforce high-level public private dialogue; (iv) Enhance long-term dialogue structures between EU and Africa Business Associations; (v) Unlock new business and investment opportunities, including in the areas of manufacturing and agro-processing as well as regional and continental value chains development.
Referred to as the Joint EU-Africa Strategy, the document takes into cognizance the most common interests such as climate change, global security and the achievement of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
The potential to increase trade, economic growth, job creation and integration across the continent remains enormous, because today, only around 17% of African trade flows take place between African countries. “Of course, there will be challenges along the way, and the EU stands ready to help. We want to share the lessons from our process of economic integration, and with our new Global Gateway Strategy, we have demonstrated that we are ready to support massive infrastructural investment in Africa,” Valdis Dombrovskis, Executive Vice-President and Commissioner for Trade as well as chairing the Commissioners’ group on an Economy that Works for People, noted when the EU-African Union Summit was held in February 2022.
Dombrovskis said: “We continue to support the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area. Achieving this will represent a historic milestone. the EU has a diverse range of trade agreements with countries in Africa. These are dynamic partnerships, in which we advance step-by-step for our mutual benefit. We aim to widen and deepen these economic and partnership agreements with those African countries that are willing to do so.”
The EU-Africa summit focuses on the search for more effective ways to scale-up sustainable development in Africa, according to various reports. Due to the shifting of geopolitics, the continent now increasingly turning into an intersection of global power players and it faces a precarious complex future. But what is important here is that the European players have to incorporate most aspects of partnership directions (adopt more effective ways to scale up sustainable development in Africa) within the framework of the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations and Agenda 2063 of the African Union.
By Adedapo Adesanya
Social media platform, TikTok’s Chinese owner ByteDance has signed binding agreements with United States and global investors to operate its business in America.
Half of the joint venture will be owned by a group of investors, including Oracle, Silver Lake and the Emirati investment firm MGX, according to a memo sent by chief executive, Mr Shou Zi Chew.
The deal, which is set to close on January 22, 2026 would end years of efforts by the US government to force ByteDance to sell its US operations over national security concerns.
It is in line with a deal unveiled in September, when US President Donald Trump delayed the enforcement of a law that would ban the app unless it was sold.
In the memo, TikTok said the deal will enable “over 170 million Americans to continue discovering a world of endless possibilities as part of a vital global community”.
Under the agreement, ByteDance will retain 19.9 per cent of the business, while Oracle, Silver Lake and Abu Dhabi-based MGX will hold 15 per cent each.
Another 30.1 per cent will be held by affiliates of existing ByteDance investors, according to the memo.
The White House previously said that Oracle, which was co-founded by President Trump’s supporter Larry Ellison, will license TikTok’s recommendation algorithm as part of the deal.
The deal comes after a series of delays.
Business Post reported in April 2024 that the administration of President Joe Biden passed a law to ban the app over national security concerns, unless it was sold.
The law was set to go into effect on January 20, 2025 but was pushed back multiple times by President Trump, while his administration worked out a deal to transfer ownership.
President Trump said in September that he had spoken on the phone to China’s President Xi Jinping, who he said had given the deal the go ahead.
The platform’s future remained unclear after the leaders met face to face in October.
The app’s fate was clouded by ongoing tensions between the two nations on trade and other matters.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Despite the complexities posed by Russia-Ukraine crisis, United States has been taking conscious steps to improve commercial relations with Russia. Unsurprisingly, Russia, on the other hand, is also moving to restore and normalise its diplomacy, negotiating for direct connections of air-routes and passionate permission to return its diplomats back to Washington and New York.
In the latest developments, Kirill Dmitriev, Chief Executive Officer of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF), has been appointed as Russian President’s Special Envoy to United States. This marked an important milestone towards raising bilateral investment and economic cooperation. Russian President Vladimir Putin tasked him to exclusively promote business dialogue between the two countries, and further to negotiate for the return of U.S. business enterprises. According to authentic reports, United States businesses lost $300+ bn during this Russia-Ukraine crisis, while Russia’s estimated 1,500 diplomats were asked to return to Moscow.
Strategically in late November 2025, the American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) has awarded Kirill Dmitriev, praised him for calculated efforts in promoting positive dialogue between the United States and Russia within the framework decreed by President Vladimir Putin. Chief Executive Officer of Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) Kirill Dmitriev is the Special Representative of the Russian President for Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries. Since his appointment, his primary focus has been on United States.
“Received an American Chamber of Commerce award ‘For leadership in fostering the US-Russia dialogue,’” Dmitriev wrote on his X page, in late November, 2025. According to Dmitriev, more than 150 US companies are currently operating in Russia, with more than 70% of them being present on the Russian market for over 25 years.
In addition, Chamber President Sergey Katyrin and American Chamber of Commerce in Russia (AmCham) President Robert Agee have also been discussing alternatives pathways to raise bilateral business cooperation. Both have held series of meetings throughout this year, indicating the the importance of sustaining relations as previously. Expectedly, the Roscongress Foundation has been offered its platforms during St. Petersburg International Economic (SPIEF) for the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham).
On December 9, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted that, despite existing problems and non-economic obstacles, the business communities of Russia and the United States proceed from the necessity of maintaining professional dialogue. Despite the worsening geopolitical conditions, Sergey Katyrin and Robert Agee noted the importance of preserving stable channels of trade and pragmatic prospects for economic cooperation. These will further serve as a stabilizing factor and an instrument for building mutual trust at the level of business circles, industry associations, and the expert community.
The American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) will be working in the system of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry (CCI) in the Russian Federation, which currently comprises 57,000 legal entities, 130 regional chambers and a combined network of representative offices covering more than 350 points of presence.
According to reports obtained by this article author from the AmCham, promising sectors for Russian-American economic cooperation include healthcare and the medical industry, civil aviation, communications/telecom, natural resource extraction, and energy/energy equipment. The United States and Russia have, more or less, agreed to continue coordinating their work to facilitate the formation of a more favorable environment for Russian and American businesses, reduce risks, and strengthen business ties. Following the American-Russian Dialogue, a joint statement and working documents were adopted.
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
The Executive President of the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), Sammy Manoj Kotwani, discusses the landmark moment in deepening Russian-Indian collaboration. Kotwani explains the groundbreaking insights into President Vladimir Putin’s working visit to India, the emerging opportunities and pathways for future cooperation, especially for the two-sided economic collaboration. Follow Sammy Manoj Kotwani’s discussions here:
Interpretation of the latest development in Russian-Indian relations
From my viewpoint in Moscow, this visit has effectively opened a new operational chapter in what has always been described as a “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.” It did not just reaffirm political goodwill; it translated that goodwill into a structured economic roadmap through Programme 2030, a clear target to take bilateral trade to around USD 100 billion by 2030, and concrete sectoral priorities: energy, nuclear cooperation, critical minerals, manufacturing, connectivity, fertilizers, and labour mobility.
On the ground, the business community reads this summit as a strong signal that India and Russia are doubling down on strategic autonomy in a multipolar world order. Both sides are trying to de-risk their supply chains and payment systems from over-dependence on any single centre of power. This is visible in the focus on national currencies, alternative payment mechanisms, and efforts to stabilise Rupee–Ruble trade, alongside discussions on a Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union and the reinforcement of corridors like the INSTC and the Chennai–Vladivostok route.
In short, my interpretation is that this summit has moved the relationship from “politically excellent but structurally imbalanced” towards a more diversified, long-term economic framework in which companies are expected to co-produce, co-innovate, and invest, not just trade opportunistically.
Significance of the visit for Indian business in Russia and for the Indian Business Alliance (IBA)
For Indian business operating in the Russian Federation, the visit has three immediate effects: confidence, clarity, and continuity. Confidence, because Indian entrepreneurs now see that despite external pressure, New Delhi and Moscow have explicitly committed to deepening economic engagement—especially in energy, fertilizers, defence co-production, nuclear, and critical minerals—rather than quietly scaling it back.
Clarity, because the summit outcomes spell out where the real opportunities lie:
Energy & Petrochemicals: Long-term crude and LNG supply, but also downstream opportunities in refining, petrochemicals, and logistics, where Indian EPC and service companies can participate.
Pharmaceuticals & Medical Devices: Russia’s import substitution drive makes high-quality Indian generics, formulations, and even localized manufacturing extremely relevant.
IT, Digital & AI: There is growing appetite in Russia for Indian IT services, cybersecurity, and digital solutions that are not dependent on Western tech stacks.
Fertilizers, Agro & Food Processing: New joint ventures in fertilizers and agriculture supply chains were explicitly flagged during and around the summit, which is important for both food security and farm incomes.
Continuity, because the Programme 2030 framework and the expected EAEU FTA give businesses a medium-term policy horizon. Tariff reductions, improved market access and predictable regulation are precisely what Indian SMEs and mid-sized companies need to justify long-term investments in Russia.
For the Indian Business Alliance (IBA), this inevitably means more work and more responsibility. We already see increased incoming requests from Indian firms—from large listed companies to first-time exporters—asking very practical questions: Which Russian region should we enter? How do we navigate compliance under the sanctions environment? Which banks are still handling Rupee–Ruble or third-currency settlements? How can we structure joint ventures to align with Russia’s import substitution goals while protecting IP and governance standards?
IBA’s role, therefore, becomes that of economic diplomacy in action: translating high-level summit language into actual B2B meetings, sectoral delegations, regional partnerships, and deal-making platforms such as the India–Russia Business Dialogue in Moscow. This visit will undoubtedly stimulate and intensify IBA’s work as a bridge between the two ecosystems.
India’s current economic presence in the Russian Federation
If we look beyond the headline trade figures, India’s economic presence in Russia today is significant, but not yet commensurate with its potential. Bilateral trade has grown sharply since 2022, largely on the back of discounted Russian oil and coal, making India one of Russia’s top energy customers. However, the structure is still heavily skewed: Russian exports to India dominate, while Indian exports and investments in Russia remain relatively modest and under-diversified.
On the ground in Moscow and across the regions, we see several strong Indian footholds:
Pharmaceuticals: Indian pharma is well-established, respected for its affordability and quality, and poised to deepen localization in line with Russian import substitution policy.
Tea, Coffee, Spices & Food: Traditional segments with deep historical roots, now expanding into ready-to-eat, wellness, and ethnic food categories.
IT & Services: Still under-represented, but with growing interest as Russian entities look for non-Western software, integration, and outsourcing partners.
Diamonds, Textiles, Apparel, and Light Engineering: Present but fragmented, with enormous room to scale, especially if logistics and payment challenges are addressed.
Where India is still behind is on-the-ground investment and manufacturing presence compared to countries like China. Russian policymakers today are clearly favouring investors who help them achieve technological sovereignty and local value addition. For serious Indian companies willing to commit capital, adapt to Russian standards, and accept the complexities of the current environment, this is a period of unusual opportunity. For purely transactional players looking for quick arbitrage, it is becoming progressively harder.
So, I would characterise India’s economic presence as: strategically important, quickly growing in value, but still under-leveraged in terms of depth, diversification, and localization.
Geopolitical pressure from Washington and future predictions
Pressure from Washington—through sanctions, secondary sanctions risk, financial restrictions, and now even tariff measures linked to India’s energy purchases from Russia—is undoubtedly a real and continuing challenge. It affects everything from shipping insurance and dollar transactions to technology transfers and the risk appetite of global banks. In practical terms, it can complicate even a simple India–Russia trade deal if it touches a sanctioned bank, vessel, or technology.
However, my own assessment, based on 35 years of living and working in Russia, is that this pressure will not fundamentally derail India–Russia friendship, but it will reshape how the relationship functions. India’s foreign policy is anchored in strategic autonomy; it seeks strong ties with the United States and Europe, but not at the cost of abandoning a time-tested partner like Russia. Russia, for its part, sees India as a crucial Asian pole in an emerging multipolar world order and as a long-term market, technology partner, and political counterpart in forums like BRICS, SCO, and the G20.
Looking ahead, I see a few clear trends:
Normalization of alternative payment and logistics systems
We will see more institutionalised use of national currencies, alternative messaging systems, regional banks outside the direct sanctions line, and maybe even digital currencies for specific corridors. Rupee–Ruble trade mechanisms that are today seen as “workarounds” will gradually become part of the normal infrastructure of bilateral commerce.
Shift from pure trade to co-production and joint innovation
To reduce vulnerability to sanctions, both sides will push for manufacturing in India and Russia rather than simple exports: defence co-development, localized pharma and medical devices, high-tech and AI collaborations, and joint ventures in critical minerals and clean energy.
Greater role for regions and business associations
Regional governments in Russia (Far East, Arctic regions, industrial hubs) and Indian states will increasingly drive project-level cooperation, supported by platforms like IBA. This “bottom-up” economic diplomacy will make the relationship more resilient than if it relied only on central governments.
Managed balancing by India
India will continue to deepen technology and investment ties with the West while maintaining energy, defence and strategic cooperation with Russia. The challenge will be to manage U.S. and EU expectations without compromising its core national interests. My prediction is that India will stay firm on this course of balanced engagement, even if it means occasional friction with Washington.
In essence, external pressure may complicate the methods of Indo-Russian cooperation, but it is unlikely to overturn the foundations of trust, mutual interest, and long-term complementarity that have been built over decades.
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