World
Russia’s Cultural Diplomacy in Multipolar World: Perspectives and Challenges for Africa
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
After careful research to find the meaning and implications of the term “multipolar world” often used these days, the free dictionary and englopedia offer insights as a system of world order in which the majority of leading global powers coordinate and commonly agree on economic, political and cultural influence and acceptable directions.
Both dictionaries further explain that countries have multipolar approaches to foreign policy. Participating countries necessarily conceive multiple centres of power or influence in the world and have a multipolar approach to foreign policy. A multipolar world could mean various differences in thoughts, views and ideas regarding anything in particular that different people desire to do across the world.
It appears from several reports that China and Russia intend to lead the new world order. Speeches from both sides are extremely critical of “based rules and regulations” given by the United States and Europe. The United States’ global dictatorship might end so that the unipolar would then become a multi-polar world, in which democracy could actually thrive.
In practical terms and in order to lead a multipolar system requires an outward, broad and integrative approach. While China, to a large extent, has portrayed this practical approach which is readily seen around the world, Russia’s method is full of slogans and highly limited. With the emerging new global order, China appears more open and integrative than Russia. Despite the fact that it madly advocates for creating and ultimate establishment of this multipolar world, Russia exits significantly from the global stage, thus isolating itself and further contributing towards its own “cancel culture” instead of the opposite.
Whether people like it or not, the United States will conveniently operate within the emerging multipolar system. It has the instruments to operate within the framework of multilateralism and an integrative multicultural environment. The United States is and remains an “indispensable” power. Russia and a few of its allies in this evolutionary process, without adopting cautious steps and strategic approach, will definitely remain “dispensable” in the end.
In order to deepen our understanding of the emerging multipolar world, it is useful to make comparisons. The United States’ new strategy acknowledges that Africa will shape the future – not just the future of the African people but of the world. And as such deals with civil society, women and the youth, which it refers to as the megaphone of governance. These have an influence on policies and processes engaging policy-makers.
It further works in various directions closely with the African Union, and one more new direction is the African diaspora. The United States has the largest African diaspora with social inroads and business inter-linkages and a hugely significant impact on developments inside Africa. In contrast, Russia has grossly ignored the African diaspora and even those African professional specialists it has indeed trained from Soviet times to and currently. In the emerging new multipolar world, to overlook these would be a sad mistake from a policy perspective.
Russians seriously brush aside the relevance and the role of culture, for that matter, soft power in foreign policy while advocating for this emerging new order. Examining, in broad terms, all aspects of culture that basically includes continuing the struggle for self-determination, for creating the grounded opportunity to live in peace and preserving one’s valuable traditions. Language, of course, plays its unifying role.
Some contradictions and different interpretations might exist. On the other hand, there are divergent views and different perceptions relating to the current geopolitical changes, but frankly speaking, the study of foreign languages, including English, Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, and the emerging interest in the Chinese and Russian languages, has been a long part of people’s lives, especially those who hope to move across borders and dream to have smooth interactions with other nationals from different countries around the world.
For the past three decades since the collapse of the Soviet era, Russian language studies have been low, for example, among the African population, primarily due to a lack of overwhelming interest and adequate motivation, and a lack of consistent interactive cultural activities by Russian authorities, experts at the Africa Studies Institute frequently say, and warmheartedly admit that things have slow with Russia’s return to Africa.
Most Africans prefer to study foreign languages to ensure smooth participation in interstate activities such as trade and in order to maintain relationships with people abroad. Foreign countries, for example, Britain, the United States, European countries and now China, are their traditional favourites. There are always interactive programmes and cultural activities throughout the year operated by foreign missions and NGOs.
Interpreted from different perspectives, Russia has not been a major economic giant in Africa compared to Western and European countries and China. Due to this historical truth, Africans have little interest in studying the Russian language and its culture. The Russian language itself does not sound attractive in terms of its economic opportunity, and therefore, Africans prefer to study languages that readily offer opportunities. China is making huge contributions to the continent, and this has made Africans see the need to understand the language in order to have better interaction with them.
The obvious worst-case scenario is that the Russian government has not created the necessary conditions and reasons to study the language simply because it has little influence in the continent. Besides that, the trade and commercial links between Russia and Africa are quite negligible, so there is no desperate demand for the Russian language for businessmen. Admittedly, Russia is not a welcoming holiday destination for African elites and the middle class, which is twice the total population of Russia and constitutes 40% of the 1.3 billion population of Africa. Travel and tourism is an increasingly huge business, and the unique geographical landscapes and changing attractiveness of Moscow, St Petersburg and Sochi – are unknown to the African elite and the growing middle class.
With the current evolving political and cultural processes, the West and Europe will still have a strong classical grip on Africa, influencing everything first from culture and tourism and moving onward to politics and economics. Perhaps, Russia has to play the correct strategic openness and welcome African travellers, tourists and visitors. Closing doors in these critical times might negatively distract Africa’s support for Russia.
The worrying tendency is that Rossotrudnichestvo, an agency under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, pays little attention to educational and cultural questions in Africa, compared to its assertive counterparts – USAID, Alliance Française de France, The Goethe Institute, British Council, Instituto Cervantes that operate throughout the world.
Another Russian organization – Russkiy Mir Foundation, which is directly responsible for promoting the Russian language and culture abroad, does extremely little in sub-Saharan Africa. In addition, cultural officers work in all 38 Russian embassies in Africa.
Russia appears quite removed from Africa’s development issues, it is only mentioned in limited areas like weapons and military equipment supplies to French-speaking West Africa. Nowadays, China is being viewed as a strong strategic partner in Africa, given its (China’s) strong footprints in diverse economic sectors. China has more than 20 Confucius Centers and a party school in Africa. Western and European, and China support civil society, youth programmes and women’s issues – these are completely not on Russia’s radar.
Russia allegedly allows its own ‘cancel culture’ and significantly not by the United States and its European allies. In practical terms, creating a multipolar system deals largely with cultural and social orientation, it deals with public perceptions through openness and friendliness. At this new historical reawakening stage, Russia has reviewed itself and tried to focus on building relations, both with substance, trustful and refined approach and strategically engaging with civil society, youth organizations and non-state institutions in Africa.
By and large, Russia has to intensify its people-to-people connections, soft power and cultural diplomacy with Africa. There is a huge cultural gap in new thinking, working with young professionals and associations to promote people-to-people diplomacy through business links, cultural exchanges and competitions. As Russia charts loudly for the multipolar system, this has to reflect in its current foreign policy and approach, especially towards the developing world, in Latin America, Asia and Africa.
Late October, during the final plenary session of the 19th meeting of the Valdai Discussion Club, the focus was on matters related to the changing geopolitics and civilisation diversity, the new world order and its future developments. Under the theme, A Post-Hegemonic World: Justice and Security for Everyone, the four-day-long interactive meeting brought academic experts and researchers, politicians, diplomats and economists from Russia and 40 foreign countries.
President Vladimir Putin discussed, at considerable length, so many controversial questions. According to him, classic liberal ideology itself today has changed beyond recognition. They predicted the end of the United States’ global dominance but fell short in proposing an appropriate Russian template – the principles and mechanisms – for realizing the lofty idea and approach to establishing a multipolar world.
Putin did not say anything about Russia becoming a power but awarded that position to China. Giants like China, India and Indonesia with large populations are showing economic growth; in Africa, large countries – some of them with a population of 200 million – are emerging and making progress, as well as countries in Latin America.
According to him, Russia still has friends around the world. He mentioned that in Central America and Africa, Russian flags are flying everywhere. “There are flags in European countries and in the United States too; we have many supporters there. By the way, a large proportion of the US population adheres to traditional values, and they are with us, we know this,” he added in his assertive conversation at the Valdai gathering.
Putin, along the line, argued that the support for multipolar order largely exists in the global south. Russia is not the enemy and has never had any evil intentions as regards the European countries and the United States. He appreciated Africa’s struggle for independence and against colonialism. These absolutely unique relations were forged during the years when the Soviet Union and Russia supported African countries in their fight for freedom.
In this context and in relation to Africa, Natalia Zaiser, Founder of the African Business Initiative Union, apparently talked about the new historical stage need to establish new or different institutions of international partnership.
Her series of questions to Putin: “Mr President, what is your vision of a new international partnership institution? Which basis of parities is Russia ready to offer at the international level? Which mechanisms, tools and personalities are needed to acquire new allies, partners and friends, not at a declarative level but at the level of unquestionable responsibility in terms of agreements? Do you think we should also change or build up other approaches within the future international partnership?”
Putin’s answer was: “We must, and we can focus on cooperation, primarily, with countries which have sovereignty in taking fundamental decisions. This is my first point. My second point is that we need to reach a consensus on each of these decisions. Third, we need to secure a balance of interests. Part of which institutions can we do this? Of course, these are primarily universal international organizations, and number one is with the United Nations.”
By Adedapo Adesanya
Somalia has formally joined the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), becoming the 53rd African member state of the African multilateral financial institution.
Somalia has been shaped by decades of conflict, political instability, and lack of central governance, which has strongly weakened its economic strength.
Its Afreximbank membership is touted to place the country on a path of sustainable economic transformation, upgrading of the country’s trade and industrial infrastructure, and most importantly joins the rest of the continent in the push towards continental integration and self-reliance through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
In the instrument of accession signed by Mr Hirsi Jama Gani, State Minister, Office of the Prime Minister, Somalia notified Afreximbank that Somalia “accepts, and hereby accedes, to the Agreement for the Establishment of the Bank” and pledged to undertake all necessary steps to expedite ratification of the Agreement.
“On behalf of the Government of Somalia and its people, I sincerely thank Afreximbank for its efforts that led our country to become a member state of the Bank. This milestone agreement signals our commitment to becoming a key player in regional and continental development, especially through trade, under the framework of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). This partnership is significant to Somalia’s ongoing reconstruction and economic diversification efforts, opening doors for financial and technical support.”
“We urge Afreximbank to accelerate the implementation of its programs and initiatives in Somalia, aligning them with Somalia’s National Development Plan and helping it meet its ambitious development goals. This is a critical step in realising the full potential of our country and for Somalia to regain its position as a strategic trade hub within East Africa,” Mr Ganni added.
On his part, Mr Benedict Oramah, President and Chairman of the Board of Directors of Afreximbank, emphasised the mutual benefits to both parties.
“This is a significant milestone as it widens the opportunity for the Somali public and private sectors to access financing and other related interventions that addresses their real needs. By joining the Bank, Somalia embarks on a new journey of pursuing its developmental aspirations on its own terms, backed by unwavering support from Afreximbank, a bank with proven track record of supporting its Participating States in good and bad times.
“Today, we begin a collective journey to enable the Somali economy to realise the maximum value from its natural resources while hastening its integration into the African Continental Free Trade Area.”
On his part, the Governor of the Central Bank of Somalia, Mr Abdirahman Abdullahi said Afreximbank’s visit to Mogadishu was timely as it came just after Somalia joined the East African Community regional trade bloc in 2024, and successfully completed the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) debt relief process.
“The Somali people are renowned for their trade and entrepreneurial spirit, and I urge the business community in Somalia to fully leverage the opportunities offered by Afreximbank under its financing programs, to expand their reach, drive sustainable growth, and contribute to a more connected and competitive economy,” he said.
By Modupe Gbadeyanka
A funding support of up to €15 million has been provided by Swedfund for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) across Africa.
The money would be managed and disbursed by a private equity initiative, AfricInvest Small Cap Fund.
AfricInvest integrates environmental, social and governance (ESG) principles with a focus on gender equality and sustainability.
The fund aims to invest at least 30 percent of its portfolio in companies that are women-led or have significant female ownership.
Moreover, climate-related objectives will be embedded in the investment process.
Swedfund’s support will help ensure that African SMEs have the resources and guidance they need to grow responsibly and effectively.
With decades of experience and a strong presence across the continent, the fund aims to invest in a range of sectors including agribusiness, healthcare, education, consumer goods, manufacturing and services, and is therefore well positioned to contribute to economic growth and social development.
The choice of SMEs is because they are a cornerstone of economic development, driving job creation and innovation.
However, many companies face significant barriers to accessing capital. This indirect investment can enable more growth-oriented investments to unlock the full potential of SMEs in Africa.
Commenting on the funding support, the Investment Director for Sustainable Enterprises at Swedfund, Sofia Gedeon, said, “This investment will allow Swedfund to expand its support for underserved businesses across Africa.
“AfricInvest aligns its investments with measurable sustainability outcomes, allowing us to drive economic growth, create jobs and promote greater inclusion. At the same time we set new benchmarks for responsible investing.”
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
South Africa, for the first time, heads the G20, a multilateral organization, and it is taking pecuniary measures to balance the heightening complexities around the world. With President Donald Trump in the helm of power in the United States, the most different pragmatic approach in being adopted towards a number of issues ranging from politics through the global economy to social and humanitarian parameters. Geographical regions, including Africa, are also affected to a distinctive extent.
Below is an insightful interview conducted by Kestér Kenn Klomegâh with Mr Tariq Khan, a Senior Research Associate at the Institute for Global Dialogue (IGD) associated with the University of South Africa. Tariq focuses on economic, security and diplomatic issues in areas such as Pakistan-Africa Relations, Africn Relations, and Major Powers’ relations with Africa, Asia-Africa Relations and South-South Cooperation, Maritime Affairs. In this interview, Tariq Khan discussed Global Powers, G20 and Africa relations in the emerging new world. Here are the significant excerpts.
What are the practical implications of the United States, a major contributor among G20 members, skipping South Africa’s February summit?
The absence of the United States at the South Africa G20 summit poses diplomatic and strategic connotations of some importance. As a key global economic player, the U.S. influences major policy decisions within the G20, and its non-attendance could signal a de-prioritization of Africa within its foreign policy agenda.
First, it seems that there is no real commitment to the critical issues which the African continent is facing including debt relief, fair trade and development funding. South Africa, as the only African G20 member, has been a strong advocate for the continent’s economic priorities. If the Washington give unimportance or sideline this engagement, it risks reinforcing the perception that Washington is more focused on geopolitical tensions in Europe and Asia while offering only rhetorical support to Africa.
In adding up, such a move will give BRICS a boost, of which South Africa is a component and plays a prominent role. With BRICS growing and positioning itself as an alternative to Western-led institutions, the U.S. absence might encourage African nations to deepen their economic and political cooperation within BRICS which will lead to reduce reliance on Western-dominated frameworks.
Finally, absence of US could deteriorate or weaken the trustworthiness or credibility of the G20 as an inclusive global forum. South Africa has effectively championed the inclusion of the African Union (AU) as a permanent G20 member. If the U.S. disengages from the summit, it could slow momentum for integrating African priorities into global decision-making, reinforcing existing frustrations about Western dominance in multilateral institutions.
Can South Africa’s presidency change perceptions of the G20’s role in global politics and its contributions to Africa’s development?
South Africa’s G20 presidency presents a significant opportunity to reshape Africa’s role in global governance. Traditionally, the G20 has been dominated by the economic priorities of Western and Asian powers, often sidelining the challenges of the Global South. As the only African G20 member, South Africa can drive a more inclusive agenda through three key areas:
- Reinforcing Africa’s Economic Potential: South Africa can emphasize Africa’s role as a strategic investment destination rather than just an aid recipient, advocating for reforms in global financial institutions to support Africa’s economic growth.
- Advocating for Structural Reform: Building on its success in securing AU membership in the G20, South Africa can push for concrete actions such as debt restructuring, fair trade terms, and increased voting rights for Africa in institutions like the IMF and World Bank.
- Shaping Global South Solidarity: By aligning G20 priorities with those of BRICS and the broader Global South, South Africa can challenge the perception that the G20 merely upholds Western economic dominance and instead position it as a balanced institution where emerging economies wield real influence. On the other hand, South Africa must navigate its complex diplomatic positioning. At the same time as maintaining strong Western ties, its BRICS membership and increasing alignment with China and Russia could generate tensions. Achievement will depend on its capability to bridge these divides and promote an Africa-first agenda.
In the context of a rapidly changing global landscape, do we see G20 competing or collaborating with BRICS?
The relationship between G20 and BRICS is distinguished and characterized by both competition and selective collaboration. BRICS as an organization has turned out to be more and more self-confident to challenge Western domination in global governance, mainly following its expansion to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, Iran, and Ethiopia and other states.
This reflects a broader shift toward a multipolar world where such organizations similar to the G20 face substitute governance frameworks. Though, collaboration between G20 and BRICS remains indispensable. Several BRICS members such as South Africa, China, India, and Brazil are also in the G20 which means they have an interest in shaping both platforms rather than abandoning one for the other.
Cooperation on issues such as debt relief, climate change and development financing is promising, but ideological and strategic differences may persist. If the G20 remains inflexible in its Western-centric approach, then BRICS could become a direct competitor, attracting more nations disappointed with Western-led economic policies.
The challenge of South Africa is to balance its engagement with both which ensures that interests of Africa are advanced across multiple platforms and could not be compromised its broader economic and diplomatic objectives.
What is the future of the G20, particularly in relation to Africa, given BRICS’ growing influence?
The G20’s significance to Africa will depend on whether it can transition from symbolic commitments to tangible actions. Traditionally, African engagement with the G20 has been marked by unfulfilled promises. To remain a meaningful partner for Africa, the G20 must focus on:
- Debt Relief and Fair Financing: Many African nations struggle with unsustainable debt burdens. The G20 must push for genuine restructuring mechanisms rather than perpetuating cycles of dependency.
- Infrastructure Investment: Africa’s development hinges on infrastructure, yet financing remains a challenge. The G20 should support merged financing models that combine public and private investment in sustainable projects.
- Technology and Industrialization Support: Africa’s long-term prosperity depends on industrialization and technological advancement. The G20 must facilitate technology transfer and capacity-building initiatives that give power to African economies. If the G20 fails to deliver meaningful reforms, African nations may increasingly turn to BRICS, which is enthusiastically positioning itself as a more responsive and approachable alternative.
Should African leaders first reform the African Union (AU) and regional blocs like ECOWAS before expecting changes in global institutions?
Of course yes, African leaders must first strengthen internal institutions before expecting global institutions to treat the continent as a unified force. Weak regional organizations undermine Africa’s bargaining power in global negotiations.
Key areas for reform include:
- Financial Independence: Reducing reliance on external donors would allow the AU and regional blocs to act with greater autonomy in decision-making.
- Stronger Enforcement Mechanisms: Regional organizations need better mechanisms to uphold democratic norms and economic agreements to prevent instability from weakening Africa’s global influence.
- Policy Coordination: A fragmented Africa cannot effectively engage with global institutions. Greater intra-African coordination is needed to present a unified front in international forums. If Africa wants to negotiate from a position of strength, its institutions must be stable, credible, and self-sufficient. Strengthening the AU and regional organizations will enhance Africa’s ability to engage effectively with both G20 and BRICS.
Final Thoughts: The Vision of ‘Africa We Want’
The realization of the “Africa We Want,” as outlined in the AU’s Agenda 2063, requires strategic engagement with external partners. However, Africa must ensure that these partnerships are mutually beneficial rather than reinforcing external dependencies. South Africa’s role is fundamental in this vision. As a bridge between the West, BRICS, and the African continent, it must advocate and promote policies that advance Africa’s long-term interests and objectives. Africa’s engagement with the G20, BRICS, and other international platforms must be strategic to ensure that these institutions contribute to Africa’s broader development agenda rather than perpetuating historical imbalances. In the end, Africa’s success in the global arena will depend on its ability to take advantage from both external partnerships and internal reforms.
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