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Candidates from Djibouti, Kenya, Madagascar and Mauritius Contesting for AUC Chairperson’s Position

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Raila Odinga AUC Chairperson's Position

By Professor Maurice Okoli and Dr Ken Onyeali Ikpe

The African Union Chairperson is an important position within the African Union. The Chairperson serves as the head of the (AU) African Union elected by the assembly of heads of state and government. As the African Union stands at a crossroads and a critical juncture, effective leadership is essential for addressing the myriad challenges facing the African continent.

After several months of conscientious search for potential contestants to take over the African Union Commission chairperson’s position, which expires next February 2025, four (4) candidates have emerged representing Djibouti, Kenya, Madagascar and Mauritius.

With these candidates already confirmed following the deadline set for submission of applications and all the necessary supporting documents, four senior African politicians are engaged in an intensive campaign and strategic lobbying across Africa. The deadline for candidacies closed on August 6, at the African Union, which is headquartered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The African Union, a continental organization consisting of  55 African Member States, is scheduled to hold elections at its summit in February 2025 to choose a successor to Moussa Faki Mahamat, chairperson of the African Union Commission. The election is conducted by secret ballot, and the winner must secure a majority of two-thirds of the vote among eligible member states.

According to the stipulated guidelines, the chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC) is the chief executive officer who exercises administrative, legal, and financial functions. It also includes pursuing a leadership role in delivering the continental vision of an integrated transformative economy, consistently working for a prosperous and peaceful Africa. The current geopolitical situation requires engaging in beneficial relations with external development partners for the continent.

Considered Africa’s economic engine since its establishment as OAU and later transformed into AU, the head of the AUC, which is an executive body, is elected on a rotational basis between the regions of the continent for every four years and the elected chairperson can be re-elected for two terms as incorporated in the constitution. Africa has five distinctive regions: northern, western, central, southern and eastern. Quite apart from regional origin, the candidates are required to have serious educational qualifications and, most importantly, experience to handle effectively the multiple tasks as the chairperson of the AUC. (See AU report: African Union Commission Elections 2025).

Contesting Candidates

From preliminary research and monitoring, the central, western, and southern regions of Africa have already served as chairpersons, this implies it is the turn of southern and eastern candidates of Africa. Concretely, it therefore includes Comoros, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Rwanda, Seychelles, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. These countries can now, by geographical definition, produce candidates for the position of chairperson. One of the basic key criteria is the candidate must be a former president, former prime minister, or former foreign minister to take up the job which mostly includes the undertaking of “measures aimed at promoting and popularizing the objectives of the Union” and the execution of “such other functions as may be determined by the Assembly or the Executive Council.”

According to an African Union report, in early August 2024, the four confirmed candidates for this top AUC position, and to ultimately take over from the current chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat, are Mahamoud Ali Youssouf of Djibouti, Raila Odinga of Kenya, Richard Randriamandrato of Madagascar and Anil Gayan of Mauritius.

(i) Raila Odinga is a veteran Kenyan opposition leader, who now at 79, has tried and failed five times to become president, most recently losing the 2022 election to William Ruto. Odinga spent his years in politics, fighting for democracy during the autocratic rule of President Daniel Arap Moi. “We are focused on bringing the seat home for Kenya and serving the African people,” Odinga said on X while announcing his formal candidacy.

A media report released in March 2024, titled “Museveni Endorses Raila Odinga’s AU Chairperson Bid” and circulated in the East African region showed the publicity campaign and erratic steps at promoting Kenyan Raila Odinga to take over as Chairman of the AU Commission. Interestingly, Raila Odinga, Kenya’s opposition leader, has readily accepted Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s endorsement of his candidacy for African Union Commission chairperson.

In a flagship statement posted via his social media platforms, Odinga said Museveni endorsed him during a joint meeting with President William Ruto. The Azimio alliance’s leader stated that the joint meeting with President Museveni and President Ruto was organized at the Ugandan president’s invitation. Odinga has an unmistakable political influence. Born into a modest political family and grew up in politics. His profound perspectives suggest he operates as a pivotal figure within power dynamics and his decision-making capacity is perceived as absolute pragmatic. Odinga, most observers say, possesses an assertive leadership style and always expresses steadfast interest in the complexity of a development-oriented society. These leadership skills echo his deep-seated affection for a genuine communal, regional, and continental tradition. Odinga as a suitable candidate underscores the perfect choice to embrace and settle for the best administrator for Africa.

(ii) Richard Mahitsison Randriamandrato studied in Paris, France. Randriamandrato was Madagascar’s foreign minister from March to October 2022 but was fired after voting at the United Nations to condemn Russia’s annexations of four Ukrainian regions. Madagascar has followed a non-aligned position on the war in Ukraine. He is a prominent Malagasy politician known for his role in the government of Madagascar.

He served also as a minister of economy and finance from 2019 until 2021 where he focused on economic policies aimed at stabilizing and developing Madagascar’s economy. Beyond his ministerial roles, he has been involved in strategic foresight and economic intelligence advising on regional infrastructure and development projects.

(iii) Anil Gayan, 76, served as foreign minister of the Indian Ocean island nation of Mauritius between 1983 and 1986, and again from 2000 to 2003. After this, he has since held other posts including at the tourism and health ministries. His biography says Anil Gayan’s ancestors migrated from India when the island was a British colony. He studied law at the London School of Economics and the University of London until 1974. As a politician, he formed a political group called FNM (Front National Mauricien) in 2009. Along the line, in 2008, he was part of United Nations mediation in Guinea-Bissau. Gayan also led a 20-member African Union group of observers during the 2010 Rwanda elections.

(iv) Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, in April 2024, was nominated by Djibouti for the position of chairperson. His biography says that between 1985 and 1990, he studied foreign languages at the Lumière University Lyon and then studied business management at the University of Liverpool in the United Kingdom. He was, however, unsuccessful with his thesis at the Université libre de Bruxelles, Belgium.

Nevertheless, as a staunch politician, Youssouf believes that although Djibouti is a small country with a sizable port, his government hopes to develop its economy along the same lines as Dubai. Its strategic location serves as a conduit to the whole world. “I am the only candidate capable of bridging the gap between the different regions of Africa, being French-speaking, but also English-speaking and Arabic-speaking,” said Djibouti’s Youssouf, the 58-year-old has been the foreign minister of the tiny but strategic Horn of Africa nation since 2005. “My primary objective if I am elected is to silence the guns” on the continent, he told AFP in an interview in July.

Employment Implications

Bridging the gap between different regions implies that this AUC leadership will address the development dynamics in the continent. That further emphasizes creating a conducive environment and atmosphere for potential external investors and stakeholders within the geopolitical parameters, a mixed economy, speeding up the most industrialization processes, and working towards technological advancement in Africa. (See African Leaders Extraordinary Summit report, Feb. 2024)

Noticeably the republics of Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger and Mali have established governments, accused their previous political leaders of manipulation by external powers, economic under-developments and the deepening instability (that is un-quantify-able failure to stem the Islamist insurgency) in the Sahel-Saharan region, an elongated landlocked territory located between North Africa (Maghreb) and West Africa, to the Atlantic coast of West Africa.

During a series of summits, conferences and meetings that proliferated these years, the AUC reiterated the continuing growth of multiple democratic challenges with a wider negative impact across the continent and particularly itemized military takeovers that have become a distinctive feature (or accepted norm) of regime change in West Africa. Some experts pointed to the rising neo-colonial tendencies perpetrated by the former colonies and their indiscriminate scramble for resources on the continent. In addition, there are also overarching narratives of growing crisis and explicit signs of weaknesses on the side of regional economic blocs in the continent, to say the least, and appropriately under the direct confines of the African Union.

Researchers have reminded the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to invoke the African Convention for the Elimination of Mercenary, which went into effect in 1985, prohibiting states from allowing mercenaries into their territories. The researcher further called for addressing promptly ‘malign influences’ and ‘political manipulations’, and bringing back the well-designed legislative measure broadly worded by the Assembly of the African Union which adopted as a strategic document known as the “AU Master Roadmap (AUMR) of Practical Steps to Silencing the Guns in Africa” in 2017. (See African Union report, April 2017)

A peaceful continent is possible. This aspiration inspired the ‘Silencing the Guns in Africa’ agenda, a flagship initiative of the AU Agenda 2063 that aspires to end all wars, conflict and gender-based violence, and to prevent genocide. As a long-standing partner, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), for instance, has seriously recommitted its partnerships and opportunities to further the Silencing the Guns agenda as a necessary condition for Africa’s transformative development. This focuses on the people, prosperity and peace as a basis for its contributions to AU’s aspirations across Africa, according to the UNDP’s report re-issued in February 2022.

Professor Sergiu Mișcoiu at the Faculty of European Studies, Babes-Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca (Romania), where he serves as a Director of the Centre for International Cooperation and as Director of the Centre for African Studies, noted in an article to Global Research, that African countries are bound to wake up to a common understanding of the true meaning of their colonial past for the present and determine their future existence. In fact, the leaders and the elites have to engage in development decision-making processes, and at the same time have to play their roles as autonomous actors instead of being pawns in global politics.

Mahamat’s Strengths and Weaknesses

In my view, analyzing most of the media reports and arguments, indicated this year the role is reserved for a representative from East Africa to replace Moussa Mahamat, a veteran politician from the Republic of Chad in West Africa, who has served two terms since 2017. Before taking up this position, he was the foreign minister of Chad. As the history of the procedures indicates, the elected chairperson becomes the head of the African Union Commission. Mahamat, born on 21 June 1960, was for the first time elected as the chairperson on 30 January 2017 but assumed office in March 2017.  The chairperson is elected by the Assembly for a four-year term, renewable once. During his eight years of leadership, holding executive powers, needed internal structural reforms that have popularly been called for were not simply carried out, and a record of publicly announced accomplishments grossly lacked probity and transparent accountability.

Despite that as mentioned above, the African Union under Moussa Mahamat has made several achievements including raising the continental external relations profile and its ascension into the Group of Twenty (G20). In September 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, chairing the G20 summit, the G20 nations agreed to grant the African Union permanent membership status in an appreciable move aimed at offering the continent a stronger voice on important questions and to uplift its unto the higher stage. In its final declaration in New Delhi, the G20 granted the African Union a full-fledged membership. The G20 consists of 19 countries and the European Union, making up about 85 per cent of the global GDP and two-thirds of the world’s population.

Under the administration of Moussa Mahamat, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the single continental market has the potential to unite an estimated 1.4 billion people in a $2.5 trillion economic bloc. The AfCFTA opens up more tremendous opportunities for both local African and foreign investors from around the world. It aims at making Africa the largest common market in the world and accelerating continental integration. It is expected to reinforce the measures taken in terms of the free movement of persons, goods, and services across borders. But much depends on the collective determination and solidarity demonstrated, to face the challenges in a united and resolute manner, by the African leaders. It depends on the strong mobilization of African leaders and the effective coordination provided by the African Union.

Essential Leadership Attitudes

In mid-July 2024, Business & Financial Times wrote that the candidates were discreetly campaigning for the top position. The B&FT media indicated further that, despite the general qualification being former foreign ministers, and in the case of Odinga being an experienced politician and readily preferred by the majority of African leaders, some other distinguishing leadership attitude and approach are necessary and required of the candidate. Education is the cornerstone for awareness, but one of the crucial qualities that a leader must possess is the inherent positive notion of servitude, in addition to commitment to the organization’s future aspirations.

As the incoming chairperson prepares to take on the baton, it is important to look forward with optimism, eager to continue making an impact in new ways, within the geopolitical context, and be ready to strategize broadly with key stakeholders and external powers. Pragmatism should be the catch-word while ensuring pragmatic acknowledgement of the potential to drive progress and actionable initiatives. Step away from excessive symbolism and superficial (shallow) influence instead of an invaluable and impactful engagement or relations.

AU is a multilateral body, and in this critical moment for the continent plagued by high youth unemployment, weak institutions and political instability, the new leader must have the spirit of innovation, dynamism and a forward-thinking vision. Professor (Ambassador) Edward Boateng, business executive and politician, in an opinion article, listed some of the criteria for the ideal AU head as follows: (i) Inter-generational bridge: Capability to bridge generational divides within the AU, fostering inter-generational dialogue and including the perspectives of all age groups in policy-making processes.

(ii) Conflict resolution: Strong leadership in addressing conflicts and crises effectively, with a coherent strategy for conflict resolution across the continent.

(iii) Institutional reforms: Commitment to spearheading institutional reforms, enhancing financial sustainability and streamlining decision-making processes to address the AU’s bureaucratic challenges.

(iv) Economic development: Drive economic reforms, attract investment and foster a business-friendly environment to tap into Africa’s vast resources and young population.

(v) Empowerment of women and youth: Promotion of policies that enhance gender equality and provide opportunities for young people to participate in governance and economic activities.

Opening New Chapter

A new chapter characterizing plethoric changes is, however, expected under the next chairperson beginning in March 2025. Arguments for several changes are necessary to make the continental organization work more effectively and produce tangible results especially now within the context of global reconfiguration. Africa is too diverse to fit together. But there are many more interests in uniting the continent. But the political, economic, and cultural diversities have to be transformed into continental strength to ensure development and growth, instead of a noticeable display of weaknesses and passive actions. It is often repeatedly claimed that the African Union needs urgent realistic reforms and some kind of rebranding of its structure as an effective instrument for rapid development, new economic architecture, and substantial growth.

In late January 2024, Rwandan President Paul Kagamé was appointed to lead the AU institutional reforms process. It was an important step towards implementing its institutional reforms, setting the Pan-African organization’s objectives under the leadership of the Heads of State who meet once a year at the Assembly. As Africa faces a multitude and multitude of crises, so also unstoppable debates have dominated inside Africa and on international platforms over the performance of the 55-member organization, its existing challenges, and the way forward in the fast-changing world.

Appropriately four candidates were short-listed for the position based on the fact that East and Southern Africa now have their turn. But at a glance, Odinga seemingly envisions carving out a new distinctive image for the African Union. His high-value knowledge and experiences, corporate business entrepreneurialism combined with pragmatic new economic development thinking would probably save Africa. Narratives too indicated that Odinga would adopt a far-reaching overhauled approach and take unshakable measures toward most significant issues across Africa. These are essential conditions for re-imaging the AU’s future.

An in-depth analysis shows us that there should be four structural directions, in particular, to address by the next AUC chairperson: (1) investment in the economic sphere; (2) increased cooperation in the security field, and; (3) a shared vision of international and regional issues, and (4) on the social and humanitarian sphere. These represent the significant aspects of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Africa. Therefore, the AU has to take up the task of developing collective approaches to the problems of maintaining peace and security, strengthening democratic processes, developing human potential, and ensuring socio-economic growth.

In a final summary, the AU’s vision is to accelerate progress, and spearhead development and integration in close collaboration with all members. These are incorporated into a single continental development program often referred to as the AU Agenda 2063.

Professor Maurice Okoli is a fellow at the Institute for African Studies and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. He is also a fellow at the North-Eastern Federal University of Russia. He is an expert at the Roscongress Foundation and the Valdai Discussion Club. As an academic researcher and economist with a keen interest in current geopolitical changes and the emerging world order, Maurice Okoli frequently contributes articles for publication in reputable media portals on different aspects of the interconnection between developing and developed countries, particularly in Asia, Africa and Europe. With comments and suggestions, he can be reached via email: [email protected].

Dr Ken Onyeali Ikpe is the former Group CEO of Insight Redefini Group, Sub-Saharan Africa’s biggest Marketing Communications & Consumer Consulting Group. He holds a Ph.D and was trained at IESE Business School in Barcelona, Spain.

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Investing in Women: A Catalyst for Change in Africa

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Investing in Women

Empowering women is about more than justice, gender equality and human rights. It is the most effective way to improve standards of living for entire communities – especially in emerging economies.

As the world marks International Women’s Day (IWD) this month, it is an ideal time to reflect on the value of empowering women for all of society – not to mention the next generation of women.

A report by the International Labour Organisation determined that, “at a basic level, women’s employment, paid and unpaid, may be the single most important factor for keeping many households out of poverty.”

This is because – as other studies have found – women are more likely than men to invest a large proportion of their income to educate their children. Therefore, as women enter the workforce in greater numbers and earn higher salaries, more is spent on children’s education, including girls’ education. This can then lead to an ongoing cycle of better education for future generations of women.

Pan-African entertainment group MultiChoice Africa is well positioned to support this process of empowering women through training in the media and entertainment sector.

The organisation has long shown a deep commitment to promoting diversity, and its preferential procurement policies are intentionally aimed at empowering women. MultiChoice Africa invests in building a gender-balanced workforce through strategic recruitment and people development – and this has borne fruit.

Today, the group provides entertainment and consumer services to 20.9m subscribers across sub-Saharan Africa. It produced 6 502 hours of local content last year, with more than 30 local content channels across 10 markets. The group has customers across 49 markets in sub-Saharan Africa and adjacent islands through DStv and GOtv, and its linear OTT service DStv Stream.

This continent-wide penetration has been achieved with a workforce made up of 48% women employees – up from 47% in 2023 – and 43% female representation in senior management positions.

MultiChoice spent ZAR90 million on the training and development of women staff in 2024 through initiatives like its Advancing Women Mentorship Programme. This initiative offers select groups of women the chance to attend masterclasses with executives, as well as networking sessions, mentorships and expert classes to enhance their technological and management skills.

In addition, since 2012, the MultiChoice Innovation Fund has disbursed ZAR407 million in loans, grants, and business-development expenses, specifically targeting black women and youth-owned businesses in fintech, edutech, healthtech, HR tech and media. To date, 77 black-owned small businesses with at least 50% female, black ownership have benefited, creating more than 1 400 jobs.

The empowerment of women is a direct, purposeful MultiChoice business strategy, brought to life through significant empowerment programmes and budget allocations.

Progress through storytelling 

However, as Africa’s most-loved storyteller, MultiChoice Africa sees its fundamental role as being to entertain, inform and empower the African communities that inspire and build the company in return.

In fulfilling this purpose, it works to also empower women through the hyperlocal content it produces for markets across the continent.

In line with the goals of International Women’s Day, MultiChoice aims to achieve full gender equality in its industry, and on the African continent. Indeed, the group is well on the way to achieving that in its workforce and in its content strategy.

The MultiChoice approach is to ensure women have a voice in the media and entertainment industry. It is working to help them acquire the skills to express themselves creatively, and to inspire audiences of millions of African girls and young women.

A powerful platform for achieving this is through the MultiChoice Talent Factory (MTF) academies in three African capitals – Lusaka, Nairobi and Lagos. These institutions provide fully paid annual courses in the fundamentals of TV and filmmaking – everything from screenwriting to directing to sound engineering, editing and producing.

Half of the students intake are females, and their time at MTF sees them equipped to produce films of their own. Many young women filmmakers have produced highly impactful work that has premiered on MultiChoice platforms and won accolades at awards shows across the continent.

Their work is itself an expression of the IWD theme to “Accelerate Action” towards gender equality.

MultiChoice Africa platforms have achieved encouraging gender-transformation successes. The right inputs are being implemented, and they are generating the right outputs.

While more remains to be done right across society before full gender parity has been achieved, the media has shown itself to be a critical platform for shaping perceptions and encouraging change.

At MultiChoice Africa, women have found their voice. They are shaping Africa’s future. And they are doing that through the power of African storytelling.

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The Challenge Facing 95% of IT Leaders as Regards AI Agents; How to Overcome it

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Linda Saunders Salesforce AI Agents

By Linda Saunders

Generative AI has transformed how people interact with technology through prompts, and the next frontier promises an even greater impact. As organisations refine their AI strategies, we are witnessing the next chapter of work and the emergence of digital labour with agentic AI.

Since the launch of Chat GPT  many business leaders focused on what they thought was the right topic – the Large Language Models ( LLMs). But these models are quickly becoming a commodity, as each one races to build the best for a specific use case.

To truly unlock value from AI, you need to focus on everything around the model such as the orchestration, the low code / no code approach to building and refining, the metadata framework and a data engine that compliments the data strategy. It’s this platform advantage that is seeing agents across the globe stand up and deliver value with real data, leveraging real integration in a few short weeks.

To unlock the action and value of generative AI requires  a deeply integrated and connected platform with a one code base, but this takes significant time and money to build unless you have already been empowering your human employees on the Salesforce platform. Our platform leverages everything you have built to empower your digital workforce. Its a win-win where even for those who are not quite ready for a digital workforce – will be unlocking their ability to pivot to an agentic workforce with every flow, cloud, integration and build – Ultimately  future proofing their business.

Agentic technology is a multi-trillion-dollar industry opportunity. The agentic enterprise  will operate with unprecedented independence capable of responding to queries and handling complex tasks autonomously. This autonomy will optimise workflows, drive innovation, and break down barriers related to the need for continuous human intervention.

By 2028, Gartner predicts that 33% of enterprise software applications will include agentic AI, up from less than 1% in 2024, allowing 15% of day-to-day work decisions to be made autonomously.

Yet, AI agents are only as good as the data they have. They need connected data—both structured and unstructured—to understand user queries and make informed decisions. That’s where integration and APIs come in, building a solid foundation for these agents.

While 93% of IT leaders are either implementing or planning to implement AI agents within the next two years, they face significant integration challenges that hold back the full potential of these agents.

According to the latest MuleSoft Connectivity Benchmark Report, which surveyed more than 1,000 IT leaders globally, 95% struggle with data integration across systems. On average, only 29% of applications are connected, which really affects the accuracy and usefulness of AI agents.

The report found that, on average, enterprise organisations are using 897 applications, and those with AI agents are using even more—1,103 applications. 90% of IT leaders say data silos are creating business challenges.

The more applications and AI models there are, the harder it gets to integrate everything. Data silos make it even tougher, limiting agents’ access to the data they need and leading to less accurate and useful outputs.

Disconnected data also places major strain on IT resources. IT leaders are looking for ways to boost efficiency and productivity, but they expect their teams’ workload to increase in the next year. Balancing current capabilities with integrating AI agents across hundreds of unique applications while maintaining those systems, is a real challenge.

To unlock the full potential of AI agents, businesses need to align their integration and AI strategies. APIs and integration solutions can simplify and unify data infrastructure, allowing AI agents to access critical data and interact with existing systems and automations. This can significantly improve IT infrastructure, enable data sharing across teams, and integrate disparate systems.

Organisations that have successfully integrated their data and systems using APIs are reaping the rewards: increased productivity (49%), faster response to business needs (49%), and higher revenue generation (45%). On average, half of an organisation’s internal software assets and components are available for reuse, which means companies can leverage their existing investments, instead of starting from scratch.

The reliance on IT teams highlights the need for a clear automation strategy, along with robust governance and monitoring to ensure everything runs smoothly and securely.

A well-rounded automation strategy is crucial for integrating AI effectively, but many teams are still working on theirs. One key part of this strategy is making AI accessible to non-technical users, which is essential for broader adoption and creating a solid foundation for employees to build on, and this is where agents are changing the game.

Every company, team, and employee will soon have an agent. But how useful is a team of agents if they can’t interact with other systems or agents to coordinate and take action across the entire business? AI must have a smooth handoff to a human, and if that transition isn’t well-coordinated and seamless, any benefits are quickly undone

As AI, integration, automation, and API use continue to drive transformation and performance, organisations that invest in these technologies to harness unlimited digital labour are best placed to stay agile, efficient, and ultimately succeed.

Linda Saunders is the country leader and senior director solutions engineering Africa at Salesforce

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Beyond the Grip of Godfathers in Nigeria’s Politics

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godfatherism fubara wike

By Kayode Awojobi

Democracy, by its very definition, is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. It is a system built on the principles of popular participation, accountability, and governance that reflects the collective will of the electorate.

However, in Nigeria, democracy often takes on a different meaning—one in which a few powerful individuals wield enormous influence over the political process. This phenomenon, commonly referred to as godfatherism, has become an entrenched feature of the country’s political landscape.

The role of political godfathers in Nigeria is complex and often divisive. While some view them as experienced mentors who provide guidance and structure within the political system, others see them as power brokers who prioritize personal gain over the collective good.

Godfathers serve as kingmakers, using their resources and influence to propel candidates into office. Yet, once these candidates assume power, they are often expected to remain loyal to their benefactors, a reality that frequently leads to governance dictated by the interests of a select few rather than the needs of the people.

The influence of godfatherism is not an abstract concept but a lived reality that has shaped political developments in several states across Nigeria.

In Osun State, for instance, the fallout between former Governor Gboyega Oyetola and his predecessor, Rauf Aregbesola, underscored the fragile nature of godfather-protégé relationships.

Initially handpicked as a successor, Oyetola later distanced himself from Aregbesola’s influence, leading to a fierce political battle that ultimately contributed to his loss at the polls.

Similarly, in Oyo State, Governor Seyi Makinde has had to navigate tensions within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where certain political figures who played a role in his rise to power later accused him of abandoning party structures.

Perhaps one of the most well-documented cases of political godfatherism in recent years was the dramatic conflict in Edo State between Governor Godwin Obaseki and his former benefactor, Adams Oshiomhole.

Oshiomhole, who had championed Obaseki’s election in 2016, later fell out with him over governance and party control. This dispute culminated in Obaseki’s disqualification from seeking re-election under the All Progressives Congress (APC), forcing him to defect to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where he secured a second term in office. The episode highlighted the extent to which political godfathers expect loyalty from those they help install, often leading to bitter confrontations when protégés seek independence.

In Rivers State, a similar dynamic is playing out between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike.

Wike, whose influence was instrumental in Fubara’s emergence as governor, has been accused of attempting to control the new administration from behind the scenes. The power struggle has resulted in political unrest, including an attempt to impeach Fubara and the defection of several lawmakers loyal to Wike.

The situation escalated to the point where President Bola Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, suspending Governor Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu, and all elected members of the state House of Assembly for six months. Retired Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas was appointed as the state’s administrator to oversee governance.

This further reinforces the argument that political godfathers, rather than serving as stabilizing forces in governance, often become sources of crisis when their influence is challenged.

To be sure, political mentorship is not inherently a negative concept. In well-functioning democracies, experienced politicians often guide emerging leaders, offering advice and leveraging their networks to ensure effective governance.

However, the Nigerian brand of godfatherism is rarely about mentorship in the true sense of the word. Instead, it is largely about control, an arrangement where those who ascend to political office must remain subservient to their benefactors. This practice undermines democracy by limiting political choices, suppressing independent leadership, and reducing accountability to the electorate.

The continued dominance of godfathers in Nigerian politics raises a critical question: should a few individuals determine the fate of millions, or should the democratic process be allowed to run its course?

Proponents of godfatherism argue that it provides stability, ensures continuity, and helps navigate the complex terrain of Nigerian politics. They contend that without the financial and structural backing of political godfathers, many candidates, especially those without deep pockets, would struggle to compete in elections. In this sense, godfatherism is viewed as a necessary evil in a system where political survival often depends on strong backing.

On the other hand, critics argue that the culture of godfatherism erodes the foundations of democracy, replacing meritocracy with patronage. When candidates owe their political success to an individual rather than the electorate, they are more likely to prioritize the interests of their benefactor over those of the people.

This reality has played out time and again, with governors and other public officials making appointments and policy decisions that serve their godfathers rather than their constituents. The result is governance that is often disconnected from the real needs of the populace.

If Nigeria’s democracy is to mature, there must be a shift from the current model of political patronage to one that prioritizes competence, transparency, and true service to the people. The electorate must become more discerning, resisting the imposition of candidates whose loyalty lies elsewhere. Political parties, too, must work toward greater internal democracy, ensuring that primaries and candidate selections are based on merit rather than the dictates of a few powerful individuals.

The experiences of other nations provide valuable lessons. In South Africa, Nelson Mandela, despite his towering influence, stepped aside to allow new leaders to emerge, ensuring that democracy remained intact beyond his tenure. In the United States, political mentorship exists, but power is not concentrated in the hands of a select few who dictate governance from behind the scenes. These examples suggest that it is possible to balance political influence with democratic principles.

Nigerian political godfathers must rethink their roles. Rather than seeing themselves as puppet masters, they should position themselves as genuine mentors, guiding younger politicians without stifling their independence. They should invest in institutions rather than individuals, ensuring that governance structures remain strong regardless of who is in power.

Ultimately, the power to end the stranglehold of godfatherism lies with the people. The electorate must recognize that their votes are their most potent tool for shaping the future of governance. If voters reject candidates imposed by godfathers and insist on accountability, the culture of political subservience will gradually diminish. Democracy thrives when the will of the people is supreme, not when a handful of individuals determine the political direction of an entire nation.

As Nigeria looks toward future elections, the conversation around godfatherism must shift. It is time to move beyond the era of political overlords dictating governance from the shadows.

The country must embrace a system where leadership is earned, not handed down; where politicians serve the people, not a select few; and where democracy is truly of the people, by the people, and for the people.

Kayode Awojobi is a multiple award-winning broadcast journalist, social and political commentator. He writes from Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State

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