World
China, United States Battle for Influence in African Infrastructure Lending
New research from global law firm Baker McKenzie with data provider, IJGlobal, shows that development finance lending from state-backed institutions is the most important component of infrastructure funding in sub-Saharan Africa.
The battle for influence on the continent between Development Finance Institutions (DFIs) and Export Credit Agencies (ECAs) from China and the United States is set to heat up over the next decade in a fierce competition that could help the continent bridge its vast infrastructure gap more quickly than expected.
The report shows that survey respondents attribute the significance of DFI-lending in sub-Saharan Africa to the growing demand for infrastructure development (39%) and to the lack of availability of commercial funding for projects in the region, due to the perceived high risks associated with these investments (34%). The report further notes that China put US$8.7 billion in sub-Saharan Africa infrastructure projects in 2017 alone, while the US recently set up a new US$60 billion agency to invest in developing countries.
The report, ‘A Changing World: New trends in emerging market infrastructure, surveyed 434 executives from Export Credit Agencies (ECAs), Development Finance Institutions (DFIs), commercial banks and sponsors.
Wildu du Plessis, Head of Africa at Baker McKenzie in Johannesburg, notes that the infrastructure investment landscape in sub-Saharan Africa has changed beyond recognition in the past decade.
“The continent still suffers from massive under investment. According to African Development Bank (AfDB), poor infrastructure has cost the continent a cumulative 25% in growth in the last two decades. The World Bank estimates that the continent needs more than US$90 million per year to begin bridging the infrastructure gap. However, in many African countries governance has improved, which has accelerated growth and will make investment easier. Africa’s GDP is expected to grow to 3.7 per cent in 2019 and countries such as Ethiopia and Ghana, for example, have enjoyed some of the world’s fastest growth recently.”
The report shows how China has targeted sub-Saharan Africa in recent years, both in the context of its need for natural resources and as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Chinese policy banks loaned $19 billion to energy and infrastructure projects in the region from 2014-2017, almost half of which was in 2017. China Exim Bank was the largest policy lender in Africa in the period 2008 – 2017 and China Development Bank was the second largest bilateral investor in this period, lending nearly as much as World Bank-linked multilateral agency International Finance Corporation.
“Against a background of a global geopolitical shift in trade relations, China has noted that it is looking to work with African countries in a participative and inclusive way. Chinese president Xi Jinping’s tour of Africa earlier this year is proof of the increasing interdependence of the maturing but still fast growing Chinese economy and developing economies in Africa. The relationship is seen to be mutually beneficial, China needs natural resources and new markets for its exports, and Africa needs funding for infrastructure investment which China is providing,” notes du Plessis.
Despite the prominence of Chinese investment, the US is also seen as a major player in infrastructure investment in Africa. Some 32 % of survey respondents said that they expected US-based DFIs and Export Credit Agencies (ECAs) to be the most active lenders into African power projects – a critical part of infrastructure activity – in the next ten years, while 29% of respondents said that they expected that China based DFIs and ECAs would be the most active in Africa in the next decade.
The US Power Africa programme reported recently that since its inception five years ago it has funded 80 transactions valued at more than US$14.5 billion that are now either online, under construction, or have reached final close. The programme remains fully funded.
Still, IJGlobal data shows that out of all DFI investment flowing into African power projects in the past ten years, Chinese lenders provided more than half of it (53%), followed by multilateral development finance institutions (22%). US-based DFIs only contributed 3% of the funding.
The report notes that the decision by the US in October to turn the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) into the International Development Finance Corporation and double its lending ceiling to $60 billion could significantly accelerate the race in Africa.
Du Plessis explains the reason for growing US lending in Africa, “The move is widely seen as a counter to Chinese largesse in Africa and other emerging markets.”
The report shows that the US is reportedly concerned about the security implications of China gaining control of strategic assets as a result of unsustainable borrowing by some developing countries. By increasing the flow of finance to Africa – and bolstering competition among DFIs – the new agency is likely to provide a boost to infrastructure activity in the region.
Yet despite the torrent of development finance lending from China, the US and others, sub-Saharan Africa’s infrastructure gap remains vast.
Jen Stolp, Global Head of Project Finance at Baker McKenzie highlights three priorities which are key to reducing the financing gap: “First, a move away from traditional funding, and recognition that alternative structures and new financial instruments are needed; second, increased focus on project preparation funding and the creation of credible and predictable regulatory environments; and third, increased support for private equity investment.”
The report outlines how both global and regional DFIs are becoming more innovative as they seek to bridge the infrastructure gap. Recently the AfDB bought insurance on a $1 billion loan portfolio from hedge funds, reducing the amount of capital it holds against loans and freeing up lending capacity. Meanwhile, Afreximbank has introduced an African fund for export development to attract more private equity, and a project preparation facility (PPF) to address project development-related constraints.
“The way in which DFIs, ECAs and commercial banks interact is also changing, with a growing emphasis on partnerships, especially on larger projects,” says Stolp.
The survey shows that greater cooperation between DFIs/ECAs and commercial banks leads to more projects being financed and that 60% of survey respondents think there is room for even more collaboration on infrastructure financings. A further 24% note cooperation allows commercial banks to participate in deals too risky to do alone.
“Deals may be fronted by – or may have tranches provided by – DFIs, thereby giving further support to commercial lenders,” agrees Baker McKenzie’s Global Head of Banking and Finance, Michael Foundethakis. “It’s important to remember that DFIs are able to go where commercial banks may fear to tread.”
Economy
Tether Relocates Entity, Subsidiaries to El Salvador
By Adedapo Adesanya
Stablecoin issuer, Tether Holdings Limited, will move its corporate entity and subsidiaries to El Salvador after securing a digital asset service provider (DASP) license in the Central American nation.
According to a statement on Monday, this marks a step in Tether’s journey to foster global Bitcoin adoption banking on El Salvador’s history with cryptocurrency.
“This strengthens Tether’s position in one of the world’s most forward-thinking markets and fosters the development and implementation of cutting-edge solutions more efficiently in a dynamic environment where innovation thrives. It underscores the company’s dedication to leveraging Bitcoin’s transformative potential as it drives growth in emerging markets,” the statement said.
The company said El Salvador is rapidly establishing itself as a global hub for digital assets and technology innovation.
“By embracing blockchain technology and digital currencies, El Salvador is fostering an ecosystem that encourages innovation and attracts investment in the broader financial and technology sectors.
“This strategic positioning is helping to shape the future of financial systems, making the country a key player in the global fintech landscape,” Tether added.
Speaking on this, Mr Paolo Ardoino, CEO of Tether said, “This decision is a natural progression for Tether as it allows us to build a new home, foster collaboration, and strengthen our focus on emerging markets.
“El Salvador represents a beacon of innovation in the digital assets space. By rooting ourselves here, we are not only aligning with a country that shares our vision in terms of financial freedom, innovation, and resilience but is also reinforcing our commitment to empowering people worldwide through decentralized technologies.”
As it takes these next bold steps, the company looks forward to working closely with El Salvador’s government, businesses, and communities to shape the future of financial technology.
World
African Union’s Summit Leaves Little Hope to Advance Agricultural Transformation in Africa
By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh
Perhaps it was the most crucial summit held on January 9th to 11th in 2025 with a focus to raise agricultural productivity, increase public investment in agriculture, and stimulate economic growth through agriculture-led development, and ultimately seeks pathways to support African countries eliminate continent-wide hunger and reduce growing poverty.
During these past several years, African governments have taken delight in increasing imports of basic agricultural produce which could be cultivated locally.
Import substitution policy is seemingly not part of any discussions during their ministerial meetings, instead devoted time on how to approve huge budgets for agricultural products from foreign sources.
It has also taken the African Union (AU) years to initiate an agricultural programme directed at ensuring food security and cutting poverty in the continent. This cutting-edge initiative forms an integral part of the broad AU Agenda 2063.
Considered as the most ambitious and comprehensive agricultural reform effort ever undertaken in Africa, it was first launched in 2003 following the Maputo Declaration and reaffirmed in 2014 in Equatorial Guinea with the Malabo Declaration.
It has emerged as the cornerstone framework for driving agricultural transformation across Africa and represents a fundamental shift toward development that is supposed to be fully owned and directed by various African governments.
That, however, the early January Kampala summit, attended by Ministers of Agriculture from the AU’s 55-member states, thoroughly deliberated on implementing aspects of the 10-year programme, primarily to be pursued, in different stages, by stimulating investment, fostering partnerships, and empowering vulnerable smallholder farmers. Notably, the programme is set to run from 2026- 2035.
Without a single doubt, the drafting the programme which underwent a rigorous review process, took a full decade to complete; from 2014, in Equatorial Guinea with the Malabo Declaration to Kampala, Uganda, in 2025. And that what is appropriately referred to as an effective continental organization – the African Union.
The drafting of the strategy was undertaken by a broad spectrum of stakeholders including the Regional Economic Communities, African experts and researchers, farmers’ cooperatives and organizations, development partners, parliamentarians, private sector groups, women in agriculture and youth groups.
According to the official release indicated that Africa’s food security remains a pressing challenge, exacerbated by climate change, conflicts, rapid population growth, and economic disruptions.
Currently, over 280 million Africans suffer from chronic hunger while food systems struggle to meet rising demands.
Therefore, the 10-year programme is planned to address these issues by promoting climate-resilient agriculture, improving infrastructure, reducing food waste, and enhancing regional trade in agricultural goods. This is in a bid to equip Africa to feed itself sustainably.
At the Kampala ministerial meeting, Prime Minister of the Republic of Uganda, Robinah Nabbanja, while recalling important statistics that point to the richness of African soils, abundance of arable land and fresh water, and a 60% population engaged in agriculture, expressed the highest shame that the continent’s food imports cost up to $100 billion.
“This summit should come up with concrete proposals on how Africa can come out of such an undesirable situation. For us to guarantee our future as Africans, we must feed ourselves,” she told the gathering in a tectonic language.
The Commissioner for Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy and Sustainable Environment at the African Union Commission, Ambassador Josefa Sacko, commented on the importance of the strategy, saying it “aims to boost food production, expand value addition, boost intra-Africa trade, create millions of jobs for the youth and women, build inclusive agrifood value chains, and build resilient and sustainable agrifood systems that will withstand shocks and stressors now and in the future.
Furthermore, we are dedicated to strengthening governance through evidence-based decision-making and enhancing accountability among all stakeholders. Inclusivity is a fundamental aspect of our approach; we will ensure that women, youth, and marginalized groups have access to resources, thereby facilitating their equitable participation in the agrifood sector.”
Dr Girma Amente, Minister of Agriculture of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, whose Prime Minister Dr Abiy Ahmed, is the Champion of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) Strategy and Action Plan 2026- 2035, highlighted how Ethiopia has cascaded CAADP into the national agricultural investment plan (NAIP).
“The plan emphasizes the importance of increasing public investment in agriculture, which is crucial for achieving the CAADP target. Ethiopia has significantly increased its agricultural budget allocation and has demonstrated its commitment by meeting the 6 per cent annual growth target of CAADP.
The implementation of the National Agricultural Investment Plan (NAIP) has contributed to consistent improvements in annual agricultural production, elevating both crop yields and overall food and livestock production, and also performed better in addressing the resilience targets of the CAADP,” explained Girma Amente.
In his turn, Uganda’s Minister of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, Frank Tumwebaze, who led the drafting of the CAADP Strategy and Action Plan in his capacity as the Chair of the Specialised Technical Committee of the AU on Agriculture, Rural Development, Water and Environment, stressed the need to move into implementation of the strategy, as soon as the summit ends.
“The planning phase of the Kampala CAADP Agenda ends during this Summit. We must, therefore, move into implementation and execution mode. It is by focusing on execution that we can make a meaningful impact to the continent and its people. We must move, not with the times, but ahead of times.
“This calls for advances in technological research and practices, building agricultural systems that are resilient to climate change and other shocks, agro-industrialization, and the like,” according to Frank Tumwebaze.
The three-day Extraordinary Summit in Kampala was organized to adopt the 10-Year CAADP Strategy and Action Plan to advance agricultural transformation and food systems in Africa. But that was dominated by high-level speeches, with little hope of concretely addressing key questions relating to ensuring food security in the continent.
The majority of African countries hold steadfastly to maintain the status quo, ready to allocate large part of their annual budgets to increase imports. There was little hope for any significant results and remarkable change in driving agricultural transformation across Africa after second day of the summit, dedicated to deliberations by Ministers of Foreign Affairs, and the 11th January meeting by Heads of State and Government.
World
Justin Trudeau Resigns as Canadian Prime Minister
By Adedapo Adesanya
The Prime Minister of Canada, Mr Justin Trudeau, has resigned as the country’s ruling Liberal Party leader amid growing discontent in the North American country.
Mr Trudeau’s exit comes amid intensified political headwinds after his finance minister and closest political ally abruptly quit last month.
Mr Trudeau, who said he would remain in office until a new party leader is chosen, has faced growing calls from within his party to step down.
Polls show the Liberals are set to lose this year’s election to the Conservative opposition.
“As you all know, I’m a fighter,” Mr Trudeau said on Monday, but “it has become obvious to me with the internal battles that I cannot be the one to carry the Liberal standard into the next election,” he stated.
His exit comes as Canada faces tariff threats from US President-elect, Mr Donald Trump.
The Republican and his allies have repeatedly taunted Mr Trudeau in recent weeks, with Mr Trump mocking Canada as the “51st state” of the US.
Mr Trudeau also lamented that the Conservative leader, Mr Pierre Poilievre, is not the right vision for Canadians.
“Stopping the fight against climate change doesn’t make sense,” he tells reporters, adding that “attacking journalists” is “not what Canadians need in this moment”.
“We need an ambitious, optimistic view of the future, and Pierre Poilievre is not offering that.”
Mr Trudeau also said he was looking forward to the fight as progressives “stand up” for a vision for a better country “despite the tremendous pressures around the world to think smaller”.
He also clarified that he won’t be calling an election, saying the Canadian parliament has been “seized by obstruction, filibustering and a total lack of productivity” for the past several months.
“It’s time for a reset,” he said, adding that, “It’s time for the temperature to come down, for the people to have a fresh start in parliament, to be able to navigate through these complex times.”
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