Feature/OPED
Alliance of Sahel States: Beginner’s Guide
By Professor Maurice Okoli
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, the three Francophone West African countries under military government, have established an Alliance of Sahel States (AES, or Alliance des Etats du Sahel in French), which is a confederation formed between the above-mentioned three countries.
It originated as a mutual defence pact and was created by the three countries on September 16, 2023. The confederation was officially established on July 6, 2024. The AES is anti-French and anti-ECOWAS in outlook. All three member states of the AES have had their pro-Western governments overthrown by their militaries, and each is currently ruled by a military junta as part of the coup belt.
In 2002, Mali withdrew from the internationally backed G5 Sahel alliance, and Niger and Burkina Faso followed suit in 2023. This led to the dissolution of the G5 framework by its last two members, Chad and Mauritania. The AES has finally exited the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
In addition to their enthusiasm to ensure long-term political power, the three have generally joined a growing list of African countries that are turning their economies into better environments for their millions of impoverished citizens.
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, in early July 2024, finally withdrew from the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and have further taken the next collective step to create their own sub-regional bloc referred to as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).
The treaty underscores a “step towards greater integration” between the signatory countries. The pact is open to new members in the event that the candidate accepts all provisions and the ‘trio’ unanimously agrees on the decision.
In practical terms, the trio has repeatedly explained the primary reasons for the joint action as follows: (i) the AU and the ECOWAS’s significant failure to provide adequate support against fighting the jihadists; (ii) the imposition of ‘illegal sanctions’ that are harming the people; and (iii) that the bloc has fallen under the influence of and indiscriminately manipulated by foreign governments, particularly France. (iv) ECOWAS threatens to intervene to restore civilian rule in Niger.
The Alliance further seeks new members whose political philosophy aligns with the current development challenges. The new confederation’s document outlines various directions on its agenda, including establishing a regional bank and stabilisation fund. It has also issued an executive order to facilitate foreign investment in their territorial space.
The document clip circulated widely on social media, racking up thousands of views and introducing fresh debate around the fact that the former political system was stacked with bureaucracy and conservative policy.
A curious look inside the creation of the Alliance of Sahel States has been making resonating waves. The architects of this alliance, both online and offline, have accordingly been pushing the agenda. The Blueprint Document is open to the public and foreign organisations, the regional bloc ECOWAS, and the continental organisation AU.
Reports have indicated that the inaugural meeting was held on July 6 in Niamey, the capital of Niger, and was attended by President of Burkina Faso Ibrahim Traoré, Transitional President of the Republic of Mali Assimi Goita, and President of Niger’s National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland, Abdourahamane Tchiani.
The Niamey Declaration, in which the ‘trio’ formally announced the establishment of the new confederation,’s primary multifaceted goals include consolidating joint efforts to ensure security and address the socioeconomic problems of the participating states. The alliance will also pursue and undertake joint development projects as well as address questions relating to trade, industry, and agriculture. The document holds the promise to facilitate the free movement of people, goods, and services.
The Alliance of Sahel States is resonating across the sub-region, across Africa, and beyond. Critics have labelled it a real ‘threat to democracy’ and a step to assert ‘an authoritarian’ takeover of political power and administration, while supporters call it a strategic plan to establish power as one ‘of the people, by the people, and for the people, and probably the irreversible beginning of an end of epoch, 500 years of colonialism.
The Alliance of Sahel States came under the spotlight after their July declaration. As expected in the context of the geopolitical situation and analysing the background of the complexities of the evolving political situation, especially in West Africa, it is very noticeable that the United States, Europe, and a few other external powers have stood on the opposite side.
On the other side, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in its weekly media briefing that while consistently advocating for ‘African solutions to African problems’, the initiative by the leaders of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger fully meets the interests of the people of those countries. “We are confident that the Alliance of Sahel States will facilitate the formation of a new regional security architecture. Russia reaffirms its intention to continue to provide the necessary support to the countries of the Alliance of Sahel States,” the report said.
In another related development, Mali’s military leader, Assimi Goita, had spoken by phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin about political developments and his approach to settling the crisis in the region as a whole. Putin stressed “the importance of a peaceful resolution of the situation for a more stable Sahel,” according to the transcript posted to the Kremlin’s website.
Most probably, ECOWAS is now crumbling due to institutional weaknesses combined with being manipulated by external forces. There has been rising anti-western sentiment in the former French colonies. It is also due to the long-standing discontent with and the inability to support effectively in the fight against growing insecurity in the region. Reports say ECOWAS has been working to set up a standing regional force of between 1,500 and 5,000 soldiers, which reports estimate would cost about $2.6bn (£2bn) annually.
But for political observers, their split from ECOWAS comes with many potential ramifications, ranging from economics to security. Buchanan Ismael, a politics professor at the University of Rwanda, believes it “may increase the risk of insecurity” in an already volatile region infested with militant groups.
Hassan Isilow, a political analyst, says in his report that Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have cemented their split from ECOWAS and formed their own Alliance of Sahel States.
The West Africa region could be headed for ‘foreign-imposed instability,’ warns the University of South Africa’s Ahmed Jazbhay.
More countries could’separate themselves from ECOWAS, if not through coups, then with anti-Western populists,’ says Rwanda-based analyst Buchanan Ismael.
The fact is that the common theme in their statements was greater integration between their countries—the majority of African states that have slowly but surely been drifting away from traditional regional and Western allies.
Research reports published by The Conversation, Agence France Press, British Broadcasting, and many other reputable media indicated that the unilateral withdrawal of three West African countries would be hit by trade regulations and restrictions, thus impacting the population and the economy.
The three are landlocked and among the poorest in the world; this already illustrates their major disadvantage and limited position. Several narratives further pointed to the fundamental fact that the crisis has the potential to escalate into either a conflict across West Africa or the final disintegration of ECOWAS.
In July 2024, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger signed a confederation security pact and formalised their final exit from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the regional bloc that imposed sanctions on them after the coups in Mali in 2020, Burkina Faso in 2022, and Niger in 2023.
“This summit marks a decisive step for the future of our common space. Together, we will consolidate the foundations of our true independence, a guarantee of true peace and sustainable development, through the creation of the ‘Alliance of the Sahel States’ Confederation,” Traore said in a statement posted on X.
By creating their own Alliance of Sahel States, it exposes the regional bloc ECOWAS and the continental organisation AU’s powerlessness, multitude of weaknesses, and long-term inability and incompetency to deal with regional problems through mediation.
In the ECOWAS guidelines, Article 91 of the bloc’s treaty stipulates that member countries remain bound by their obligations for a period of one year after notification of their withdrawal. For better or for worse, these interim military governments have adopted a hardline stance, consistently delaying fixing concrete dates to hold democratic elections.
The AU Commission chief, Moussa Faki Mahamat, repainted the ‘bleak picture’ with a ‘litany of difficulties’ confronting many African countries during the 37th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union (AU) summit held, from February 14 to February 15, at the AU Headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. AUC chief Moussa Faki Mahamat assertively spoke of ‘worrying trends’ in North Africa, the Horn of Africa, and also in West Africa.
Moussa Faki Mahamat blasted the failure to counter multiple “unconstitutional changes of government” following a string of coups in West Africa and warned the scourge of “terrorism” was diverting money away from vital social needs to military spending. In practical reality, the summit was now concerned about looking inward, closely protecting their sovereign prerogatives rather than investing in collective security, somehow to fund most of its budget rather than foreign donors. Gabon and Niger were absent from the summit following their suspension over coups last year, joining Mali, Guinea, Sudan, and Burkina Faso, which are also barred for similar reasons.
As an expert in geopolitics and regional economic integration, it is important to take a close look at the possible obvious implications. Despite taking this innovative step, there are still obstacles and explicit challenges in the areas of coordination and cooperation. For instance, the fact that the three are geographically landlocked stipulates the questions of access to the coastline, logistics, and delivery of goods through seaports.
The next question that cannot be overemphasised is whether Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger are members of the West African Economic and Monetary Union, which uses the CFA franc as its common currency. The trio has to create their own currency if they are expelled from the West African Economic and Monetary Union.
Usually referred to as the West African Sahel, it is the vast semi-arid region where Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and other countries are located. This West African Sahel region has been plagued by security challenges, including terrorism and organised crime. Terrorist organisations such as Boko Haram, the Islamic State, and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) have operated in the Sahel, exacerbating violence, extremism, and instability in the region.
According to the latest issue of the Global Terrorism Index, there is a strong link between organised crime and terrorism in this region. Terrorism is on the rise, and the Sahel accounts for almost half of all deaths from terrorism globally.
This is further exacerbated by the cross-border operations of armed groups and rising violent extremism. That, combined with widespread and growing desertification, contributes additional strain to the region’s development. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have a combined population of approximately 80 million people and some of the fastest population growth rates in the world. But development has been assessed as poor, far below what is needed to guarantee a normal living standard.
In addition to insecurity and instability, these countries are engulfed in various socio-economic problems combined with traditional cultural practices that have lessened development. The system of governance and poor policies largely hinder sustainable development.
In light of the above, ECOWAS will have to adapt its strategy to this new geopolitical reality. The AES could seek to establish or strengthen its partnerships with other international actors, such as Russia or China, of the multipolar BRICS Alliance, which have shown growing interest in Africa.
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger together comprise some 72 million people, almost a fifth of the regional bloc’s population. It remains one of the least developed countries in the world, with a GDP of $16.23 billion in 2022. Geography and the environment contribute to Burkina Faso’s food insecurity.
Mali’s key industry is agriculture. Cotton is the country’s largest crop export and is exported west throughout Senegal and Ivory Coast. Gold is mined in the southern region, and Mali has the third-highest gold production in Africa (after South Africa and Ghana).
Niger is the second-largest landlocked nation in Africa, behind Chad. Over 80% of its land area lies in the Sahara. In 2021, Niger was the main supplier of uranium to the EU, followed by Kazakhstan and Russia. Despite its large deposit of uranium, Niger has a multidimensional underdevelopment, and 80% of its citizens consistently live in abject poverty.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) continues to look for appropriate mechanisms to resolve the ongoing crisis. The regional bloc has come under persistent criticism; it has slackened on its primary responsibilities, while some have called for drastic reforms and personnel changes (overhauling or restructuring), attributing to the complete inefficiency of the organisation.
Consisting of 15 member states, ECOWAS facilitates peacekeeping through systematic collaboration with civil society, cooperation with development policies, and other activities to meet sub-regional security challenges. Established on May 28, 1975, the bloc’s reputation has been at stake and most probably needs new dynamic faces at the Secretariat in Abuja, Nigeria.
Professor Maurice Okoli is a fellow at the Institute for African Studies and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. He is also a fellow at the North-Eastern Federal University of Russia. He is an expert at the Roscongress Foundation and the Valdai Discussion Club.
As an academic researcher and economist with a keen interest in current geopolitical changes and the emerging world order, Maurice Okoli frequently contributes articles for publication in reputable media portals on different aspects of the interconnection between developing and developed countries, particularly in Asia, Africa, and Europe. With comments and suggestions, he can be reached via email: markolconsult (at) gmail (dot) com.
Over the past two years, Nigeria has implemented key policies and reforms to revitalize its mining industry, attract investment and strengthen the sector’s contribution to GDP.
Recent government-led initiatives have streamlined licensing processes, removed bottlenecks and simplified market entry for international investors, enhancing production across the country’s 44 solid mineral types.
As Africa’s premier mining investment event, African Mining Week (AMW) 2025 will convene Nigerian and African stakeholders with global investors and industry leaders to drive deal-making and accelerate sector growth.
Launch of Mineral Resources Decision Support System
In May 2024, the Nigerian Geological Survey Agency unveiled the Mineral Resources Decision Support System to provide global investors with easy access to geological and policy data.
The platform markets Nigeria’s vast mineral resources and critical infrastructure, assisting investors in making informed decisions about the country’s mining sector. By enhancing data transparency and accessibility, the system aims to streamline investment processes and boost investor confidence in Nigeria’s mining industry.
Restructuring of Ministry
To improve efficiency, Nigeria restructured the Ministry of Mines and Steel Development in August 2023, creating two separate entities. The Ministry of Solid Minerals Development focuses on upstream activities and investment facilitation, while the Ministry of Steel Development oversees the development of steel and metallic resources to drive industrial growth. This restructuring aims to enhance sector-specific governance, attract targeted investments and accelerate the country’s mineral and steel value chain development.
Approval of Nigerian Minerals & Mining Bill
Approved in April 2023 and currently under public review, the Nigerian Minerals & Mining Bill aims to introduce incentives for foreign investors while strengthening local content requirements. Once enacted, it will become the sector’s primary legal framework, enhancing transparency and investor confidence.
The bill is also expected to modernize regulatory oversight, ensuring sustainable resource management and aligning Nigeria’s mining sector with global best practices.
Implementation of Nigeria Mineral Value Chain Regulations
Implemented in July 2021, the Nigeria Mineral Value Chain Regulations mandates local processing of raw minerals such as gold and lithium, encouraging downstream investment.
Following this policy, China’s Avatar Energy Materials Company launched a 4,000-ton-per-annum lithium processing facility in Nasarawa State in May 2024, while Ming Xin Mineral Separation Nig Ltd. is developing a lithium processing plant in Kaduna State to support EV e battery production.
These investments mark a significant step toward positioning Nigeria as a key player in the global critical minerals supply chain. Against this backdrop, AMW 2025 will provide a platform for industry leaders to explore Nigeria’s evolving mining landscape and engage with global investors.
Abba Dukawa
Despite the position of the Court of Appeal in the case of the Speaker of Bauchi State House of Assembly Vs Hon Rifkatu Samson Danna (2017) 49 W.R.N that a lawmaker is a representative of his people whose membership of the House is guaranteed by the Constitution and not by any other person or persons, the Senate and its leadership have continued to use suspension as an instrument to oppress, intimidate and whip lawmakers into line.
Sadly, the National Assembly has continued to ignore the position of the courts on suspension of lawmakers as the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions recommended a six-month suspension for the lawmaker representing Kogi Central Senatorial District, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, over her dispute with the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio, following her alleged violation of the Senate’s rules.
A few hours after the committee submitted its report, the Senate quickly adopted the recommendations and slammed a six-month suspension on the lawmaker, depriving her senatorial zone representation in the Red Chamber, in violation of the Constitution, which guarantees that each of the 109 senatorial districts in the country shall be represented in the upper legislative chamber.
Her suspension for six months has raised legal issues as it is also in breach of various court judgments in the previous cases involving Senators Ali Ndume and Ovie Omo-Agege, as well as Dino Melaye and 10 other members of the House of Representatives, as well as Bauchi and Ondo states’ lawmakers.
When the Senate on March 30, 2017, suspended Senator Ndume for 90 legislative days for not “conducting due diligence” before filing a petition against the then Senate President, Dr Bukola Saraki, Justice Babatunde Quadri of the Federal High Court in Abuja nullified his suspension, declaring the action illegal, unlawful and unconstitutional. Delivering judgment in the suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/551/2017, which Ndume filed, the judge said the suspension was in violation of Sections 68 and 69 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and Article 13(1) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act CAP A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
The judge consequently ordered the Senate to pay the plaintiff his outstanding salaries and allowances. Again, Justice Nnamdi Dimgba of the Federal High Court in Abuja nullified the suspension, saying that while the National Assembly has the power to discipline its erring members, a legislator could not be suspended for more than 14 days.
A recent scandal involving Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and Senate President Godswill Akpabio has raised questions about the integrity of Nigeria’s National Assembly. The controversy began when Akpoti-Uduaghan accused Akpabio of sexual harassment during an interview with Arise Television, alleging that he made inappropriate advances towards her at his residence in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, in December.
Between February 28 and March 5, several senators publicly defended Senate President Godswill Akpabio, dismissing Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s allegations of sexual harassment. Senator Neda Imasuen, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions, was among those who defended Akpabio.
Undeterred, Akpoti-Uduaghan formalized her accusations by submitting a petition to the Senate on March 5, urging her colleagues to investigate her claims. However, the Senate swiftly dismissed the petition, citing a rule that prohibits senators from submitting petitions signed by them. Chairman Imasuen declared the petition “dead on arrival,” referencing Order 40, Subsection 4 of the Senate Standing Orders. The next day, the Senate voted to suspend Akpoti-Uduaghan for six months, citing misconduct and actions that allegedly brought the institution into disrepute. Akpoti-Uduaghan has rejected the Senate’s decision, vowing to continue representing her constituents.
In a statement, she condemned the move, saying: “Against the culture of silence, intimidation, and victim-shaming, my unjust suspension invalidates the principles of natural justice, fairness, and equity.” Akpoti-Uduaghan emphasized that her suspension does not withdraw her legitimacy as a senator and that she will continue to serve her constituents and the country until 2027 and beyond.
Former Senate President Bukola Saraki has called for a transparent investigation into the matter, emphasizing the need to safeguard the Senate’s integrity. However, the Senate’s decision to suspend Akpoti-Uduaghan for six months without investigating her allegations has sparked widespread criticism.
The Nigerian Bar Association Women Forum (NBAWF) Chairperson, Barrister Huwaila Ibrahim, has urged Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Diaspora, to undergo a transparent and open investigation into allegations of misconduct involving both parties.
According to Ibrahim, an investigation would allow Senator Akpabio to clear his name and Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan to substantiate her claims.
Additionally, Ambassador Zainab Mohammed, spokesperson for the Coalition of Women in Governance (CWIG), has called for Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s recall following her six-month suspension, citing concerns that the suspension constitutes an assault on democracy and a betrayal of collective values
After she dropped the bomb, a flurry of activities ensued. Senator Ireti Kingibe, a serving female senator, and two former female senators, Senator Abiodun Olujimi and Senator Florence Ita-Giwa, were invited to share their views. However, their submissions were met with widespread disappointment. While arguing for adherence to rules is valid, it’s essential to recognize that rules should be applied fairly and without bias, especially in institutions of great importance.
It was clear that Senator Natasha felt beleaguered, believing the Senate President had a score to settle with her. If this was the case, I expected the three senators to support a process that would allow Senator Natasha to shed light on her serious allegations of sexual harassment, beyond national television, and for the Senate President to defend himself transparently.
To people’s horror, none of the female senators stood up for another woman. Even if they thought Senator Natasha was misguided, she was still entitled to have her fears and concerns heard. It’s painful that they missed the opportunity to address the constant intimidation, gas-lighting, and belittling women in leadership positions face.
To women who have publicly opposed Senator Natasha, there is news for you: you’re not fighting the same battle as most male senators or men who have aired their views. You’re not on the same page; you’re not even reading the same book.
If this was just about Senator Natasha following rules and not disrupting the space for women in politics, the problem could be easily fixed. Familiarizing herself with Senate rules and proceedings would make her work more productive.
However, this is not what’s at play. What’s happening is a full-scale war on women in public life, with clear lines drawn. Women need to wake up! We need to battle powerful forces that want women to remain silent in the face of provocation and abuse.
People don’t have to like Senator Natasha Uduaghan, but she deserves respect, to be heard, and allowed justice. The silence of feminist organizations and women’s rights advocates is deafening. The controversy has ignited a national debate, with many Nigerians demanding a thorough investigation into the allegations and an end to the culture of silence and intimidation.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano can be reached via abbahydukawa@gmail.com
By Shaheen Price
South Africa continues to grapple with a crippling unemployment crisis resulting in the highest income inequality in the world, evidenced by a 2023 Gini coefficient of 0.63. Unlike comparable emerging economies like Brazil, South Africa’s high barriers to entry into the informal sector and the difficulties informal businesses face to transition to formal business create a significant economic bottleneck.
While the formal economy struggles to absorb the nation’s workforce, the informal sector, estimated at 7.5 million participants, represents untapped potential.
According to a working paper from the Center for International Development at Harvard University, South Africa’s informal economy has the potential to provide an entry point into the labour market for many unemployed South Africans.
The paper argues that the country has traditionally placed too little emphasis on policy intervention and policy change to give “more oxygen” to the informal economy. It cites research providing evidence that grants, for example, increase business assets by 57%, work hours by 17% and earnings by 38%. Informal businesses that were able to formalise provide even more advantages, typically ending up hiring more staff and paying taxes which add to the country’s fiscus.
Despite its potential, the informal sector, predominantly located in townships, faces persistent challenges: an ability to access finance, an entrepreneurial skills gaps, market access barriers and inadequate infrastructure.
The Institute of Business Advisors Southern Africa (IBASA) says that the two types of businesses that can benefit most from formalising are those that are operating as informal, non-registered businesses and those that are registered businesses, but which lack well-structured processes. Once a business has been formalised, it is able to build up a track record, secure funding and scale operations.
The Harvard paper advocates for deregulating the management and oversight of the informal sector in the longer term with immediate policy interventions including lowering, removing or changing the conditions of licensing and registration costs of – and stipulations to – informal trading as a starting point to realising the potential of the informal sector. This, says the paper, would unleash the informal sector’s power to generate meaningful income opportunities.
The recently launched GoodApp is a pioneering online platform designed to bridge the gap between consumers and a diverse network of home service providers in the informal sector including electricians, plumbers, hairdressers, beauticians, make-up artists, nail technicians, massage therapists, handymen, painters, carpet cleaners, window cleaning services, swimming pool maintenance providers, movers and packers, and cleaners, amongst others. By prioritising professionalism, trust and reliability, the platform aims to bring informal economy service providers into the formal economy.
What sets GoodApp apart is a rigorous verification process which ensures that every service provider undergoes comprehensive background checks, security clearances and certification verification while continuous performance monitoring ensures consistent professionalism and reliability. In addition, customers can access detailed reviews and ratings prior to booking a service provider.
GoodApp offers enormous potential for township service providers in terms of servicing consumers living in suburbia as well as in townships. There is a growing awareness that township communities are not peripheral players in the economy but are instead essential engines of South African consumer power with an estimated spending capacity of R900 billion, according to the latest Township Customer Experience Report.
Nearly half of survey respondents said they were directing more than a quarter of their income towards purchases within their township, highlighting an increasing shift towards hyper-local economic activity.
Amongst the most significant findings of the latest report is the need for transparency and reliable verification. Not only do consumers want to support brands that resonate and understand them, but they also want customer service that is responsive, empathetic and attentive – all traits that help build trust and brand loyalty in a community-driven market.
GoodApp addresses this demand by providing a platform for verified, trustworthy and professional service providers, accessible at the customer’s convenience. By formalising and legitimising informal service providers, GoodApp empowers them to thrive while providing consumers with confidence and peace of mind, ultimately contributing to a more inclusive and equitable South African economy.
Shaheen Price is the Co-Founder of The Good App
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